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panasonic fc188 Sweeping deportations pledged by President-elect Donald Trump could pose an economic shock for the restaurant industry in ways that echo the pandemic: pricier menus, rising wages and shuttered storefronts, economists and some restaurateurs worry. But Wall Street is wagering that Trump’s tough talk is a bluff ahead of a more limited crackdown that won’t uproot the restaurant industry’s immigrant-heavy workforce. The industry is one of the most reliant on workers in the country illegally, making it a test case for whether Trump will fulfill completely his campaign promises. “I see little risk of them deporting people that are working at jobs in restaurants or anywhere else in the food industry,” says Dan Ahrens, chief operating officer and portfolio manager of AdvisorShares. Ahrens said he believes Trump’s administration will focus on immigrant criminals, with talk of broader deportations amounting to political rhetoric. Thomson Reuters' index of restaurant and bar stocks has steadily risen more than 5% since the election, outpacing the S&P 500. In the last year, while lagging the S&P, restaurant stocks have risen nearly 10%, buoyed by rising prices sectorwide even as consumers are eating out less. Holiday deals: Shop this season’s top products and sales curated by our editors. Gary Bradshaw, portfolio manager at Hodges Capital Management, said he remains bullish on restaurants with growing sales revenue and store numbers, like Chipotle, McDonald's and Texas Roadhouse. On the prospect of deportations, he said, “My guess is the bark is a lot louder than the bite, but hey, nobody knows. So I don’t spend a whole lot of time thinking about it.” More: The US is short millions of housing units. Mass deportations could make it worse. Jake Dollarhide, chief executive of Longbow Asset Management, said he doesn’t make investment decisions on hypothetical policy. “We didn’t sell our energy stocks the day Joe Biden took office,” he said. He said he believed stock market highs and the "propensity of Americans to spend" would continue to drive restaurant stocks up. "The perception of grocery inflation — whether real or not real — benefits restaurants," he added. Trump has said that the initial focus of deportations will be on criminals in the U.S. illegally, but that the net will eventually widen to all immigrants in the country illegally. “I think you have to do it,” he told NBC last weekend. Around 1-in-12 of the country’s 10 million restaurant workers were living in the United States illegally in 2022, according to Pew Research Center estimates from this summer which have not previously been published. “Restaurants will be a hard-hit sector,” if Trump lives up to his promises on deportations, said Marcus Noland, an economist with the Peterson Institute for International Economics. Not only will they have to contend with their own higher labor costs, Noland said, but they’ll also have to pay more for food because of disruptions upstream in agriculture. “You saw this during the pandemic when many restaurants had restricted hours, smaller menus and worse service,” he said. PIIE estimated prices in the service sector would rise 1.7% if the Trump administration deported 1.3 million workers, or to rise 11% if the administration fulfilled its commitment of deporting all working immigrants in the country illegally, which the Pew Center estimates at 8.3 million. “We’re already dealing with a huge labor shortage of food workers," said Jacob Monty, an immigration and employment lawyer who advises chain restaurants. "If you add more enforcement, it’s going to only get harder to find workers to staff restaurants.” Diners are already reeling from sticker shock, and Kelsey Erickson Streufert, the Texas Restaurant Association’s chief policy liaison, said restaurateurs in the state are concerned that a “tipping point” has been reached for raising prices. “Customers are only going to pay so much for a hamburger,” she said. Reporting by Waylon Cunningham; Editing by Peter Henderson and Alistair BellFor years, Black Africans with European or American connections have decried the discrimination they face solely because of their skin color. The story of Chidimma Adetshina, a South African-born Nigerian model, reveals a troubling reality: racism’s ugly presence isn’t confined to the West. If such incidents occur within Africa itself, it prompts a deeper question—is racism truly just about skin color? It all started when Chidimman became a strong contender for Miss South Africa, contending for the crown to represent the country in the Miss Universe in Mexico. A statement from South Africa’s Department of Home Affairs claimed that preliminary evidence suggested Chidimma’s mother committed identity fraud. Following this revelation, the department traced Chidimma’s roots to Nigeria and Mozambique, thrusting her into the center of South Africa’s ongoing xenophobic debates. The controversy intensified as some South Africans called for her disqualification from the Miss South Africa pageant. In August, the 23-year-old model made the difficult decision to withdraw from the competition, raising questions about the timing and motivations behind the investigations into her identity. Why did it take her rising prominence on such a platform for these claims to surface? This scenario points to a deeper issue: racism is not confined to any particular race or ethnic group. Instead, it is a pervasive human failing—a disease that transcends borders. Many Africans perceive racism primarily as a conflict between Black and White, rooted in skin color. However, Chidimma’s case reveals a bitter truth. Racism is often about power and control—one group asserting its perceived superiority over another to maintain privilege, whether for economic or political gain. Skin color may be the most visible marker, but it is merely the tool, not the essence, of racism. The fear and discontent surrounding the possibility of a Nigerian-born woman winning the Miss South Africa title unmask the discriminatory attitudes lurking beneath the surface. Despite being naturalised as a South African, Chidimma’s legitimacy as “one of their own” was vehemently questioned. This rejection of her identity reveals a troubling reality: racism, in this instance, was wielded not by outsiders but by South Africans themselves. In their inability to embrace Chidimma, they displayed the very prejudice they often decry. The Second Chance Chidimma later accepted an invitation to compete in Nigeria’s Miss Universe pageant, where she triumphed, earning the chance to represent Nigeria on the global stage at the 2024 Miss Universe competition. Subsequently in November, she made history as the first Nigerian to finish as the 1st runner-up, right behind Denmark’s Victoria Theilvig, who claimed the crown. Her achievement also secured her the title of Miss Universe Africa and Oceania, marking a groundbreaking moment for Nigeria and the continent. In a recent interview with Business Insider, Chidimma reflected on the struggles she faced leading up to this milestone. She shared how some South Africans believed she wasn’t “South African enough” because of her name “Chidimma”—a distinctly Nigerian one. For her, this was where racism in her story took root. Though Chidimma’s racism journey has pushed her to her heights, her story is a powerful reminder that racism isn’t always as overt as systemic discrimination or blatant xenophobia. Sometimes, it is subtle and cloaked in cultural exclusion, challenging individuals like Chidimma to defend their place in spaces they rightfully belong to. Racism, as Chidimma’s journey reveals, transcends the simplistic narrative of black versus white. Her story shines a spotlight on an often overlooked reality—that racism is not inherently tied to skin color but rooted in humanity’s darker impulses. It encompasses the need to dominate, exclude, and control. The aphorism, “the rejected stone became the chief cornerstone,” encapsulates Ms Adetshina’s journey. Once vilified and pushed to the sidelines, she now stands as a symbol of triumph and resilience. Ironically, even South Africans, who once sought her disqualification from Miss Universe, joined in celebrating her success, as the world glorified her name. This duality reflects how quickly public opinion can shift when success becomes undeniable. According to Daniel Abusuamepeh , a race and social problems researcher, tribalism operates as a form of racism within African societies, often mirroring the systemic discrimination seen globally. It underscores a painful truth: racism adapts to its environment. In Africa, he noted, it morphs into tribalism; in Europe and America, it often aligns with systemic racial structures. But the intent remains the same—division and control under the guise of difference. The transformational story of Chidimma, from a rejected beauty in South Africa to becoming the Queen of Africa and Oceania, teaches lessons of tolerance and the ability to push beyond limits. It challenges Africans to look inward and address the prejudices of racism and tribalism that hinder unity. Chidimma’s journey from rejection to global recognition serves as a reminder to African children—and indeed to the world—that racism isn’t about color. It’s about a group’s obsession to dominate and control those it sees as outsiders, eventually hurting itself. About the author Esther Kalu is a Journalism for Liberty Fellow, freelance journalist and screenwriter, who is passionate about art and culture, lifestyle and politics. Her works have appeared in reputable and emerging platforms like The Nation (as an intern), Premium Times, Naija News and The Radar. She finds passion in using her writing as a tool to address topical issues in Nigeria.Nick Bosa is likely to play, Dre Greenlaw officially activated

Some quotations from Jimmy Carter . We have a tendency to exalt ourselves and to dwell on the weaknesses and mistakes of others. I have come to realize that in every person there is something fine and pure and noble, along with a desire for self-fulfillment. Political and religious leaders must attempt to provide a society within which these human attributes can be nurtured and enhanced. — from 1975 book “Why Not the Best?” Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.Online immigration system to streamline processes, says Minister Elikana

NPFL: Sunshine Stars coach Akinfolarin promises improved performance in second stanzaATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.

Dear Eric: We live on a lake and love hosting our great-nieces and nephews on school breaks and the entire family on vacations. My husband and I have no children. Our niece’s families are dear to us. Our 11-year-old great-nephew has been gaming now for about a year. When he comes to visit, instead of reading or playing cards or board games with us, he wants to disappear with his video games. We feel vacated. How do we navigate this with his parents who think his being on a video gaming team at school is awesome and I think it is a bad omen? What is a fair place of compromise and balance? — Game Off Dear Game Off: Let his parents parent their child. The other night I re-watched the movie “Network” from 1977. In it, a character in his 60s dismisses a character played by Faye Dunaway by saying, “She’s the television generation. She learned life from Bugs Bunny. The only reality she knows is what comes to her over her TV set.” Every generation has anxieties about the ways that technology is changing social interactions or altering the minds of the generations below. While some of those concerns are valid, those of Faye Dunaway’s generation (now in their 70s and 80s) would argue that they’ve managed to stay quite well-rounded, despite TV. In moderation, video games have been shown to improve a child’s cognitive function and working memory. While your great-nephew’s gaming might not be your choice, it’s important that you not seek to undermine the research and thinking that his parents have done about it. What you’re really yearning for is a sense of togetherness as a family, so try talking to your niece and her spouse about group activities you can plan to meet your great-nephew where he is. Dear Eric: I eat at a local restaurant a couple times a week and tend to get one of three meals. This one waitress asks me what I want to eat, but then interrupts me to make guesses or tell me my choice. I just put my head down and nod yes or no to the guesses. It’s frustrating, but not life-threatening. She enjoys it. I hate it. However, if I were to say something, it would force her to make the choice of being herself, doing something she likes doing, or appeasing me so I can order the way I want to order. I don’t know if this is a big enough problem to have a “high road.” The answer will not change my life. She can easily change, and I can easily suffer. The question is who gets to be themselves? — Speaking Up Dear Speaking Up: I worked in the service industry for more than a decade. I loved it. I loved seeing regulars, meeting new people and carrying a lot of beverages in my hands at one time. The whole bit. I also loved knowing what people wanted, but I would always ask and confirm. That’s part of the job. She may think you’re a regular who likes to be known in this way. So, informing her that that’s not the case won’t be keeping her from being herself. It will be helping her to do her job better. You may not have the kind of temperament that easily or comfortably course-corrects in social situations. That’s just fine. But know you won’t be causing her suffering by saying something like, “I’ve already decided on my meal. Let’s skip the guessing today and I’ll just tell you.” This also clears the path for the two of you to talk about something else, if you want. Send questions to R. Eric Thomas at eric@askingeric.com . Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!ome U.S. presidents have the (mis)fortune of having their entire foreign policy defined by their handling of one part of the world. For Jimmy Carter, who died on Sunday, Dec. 29, 2024, aged 100, it was the Middle East. There, he reached his highest point as a peacemaker and his lowest one as a seemingly inept protector of Americans. His legacy in the region is a complex one, featuring stunning triumphs and bitter defeats—and setting dubious precedents. In November 1977, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat traveled to Israel to seek peace, creating an opening for an agreement between the heretofore bitter enemies. By July 1978, however, the talks had stalled. In an attempt to resurrect them, Carter audaciously proposed that he, Sadat, and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin meet at the presidential retreat at Camp David in September. After of arduous negotiations and diplomacy, Carter brokered the . The agreement had two parts: a framework for peace between Egypt and Israel, and a framework for negotiations on Palestinian autonomy. Although Egypt and Israel signed a peace treaty in March 1979, the Palestinian autonomy talks ultimately went nowhere, in large part due to Israeli intransigence. This left a mixed legacy for the agreement. On the one hand, it ended the threat of conflict between Israel and the strongest Arab state, thereby drastically decreasing the chances of another large-scale Arab-Israeli war like those that took place in 1967 and 1973. That not only prevented mass casualties and destruction, but it also reduced the possibility of a nuclear war between the superpowers—something that had seemed possible during the 1973 war when there was a nuclear standoff between the United States and Soviet Union. On the other hand, Egypt’s peace with Israel hamstrung the Palestinians, depriving them of their greatest source of pressure on Israel to negotiate fairly. Furthermore, the United States repeatedly missed or the chance to involve the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the negotiations. When Carter’s ambassador to the United Nations, Andrew Young, secretly met with a PLO representative, Carter fired him. Carter for that decision, and he had for not wanting to upset the Israelis—after all, without them, there could be no negotiations—or to suffer the potential domestic political costs of engaging the Palestinians. Yet, the move punctuated Carter’s failure to seriously and directly engage with “the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people,” or to sufficiently Carter also rebuffed Soviet attempts to engage in the peace talks, which erased the possibility of securing comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace, as historian Galen Jackson argues in his . Without Soviet involvement, there was no way to bring the other Arab nations to the table, making a broader deal and regional peace impossible. But Cold War considerations trumped all for Carter, and instead of working on a peace deal, the Soviets to oppose the Egyptian-Israeli peace. While Carter was preoccupied with guiding the Egyptian-Israeli talks to completion and negotiating a strategic nuclear arms deal with the Soviets, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran, America’s closest partner in the Middle East, faced a revolution at home, beginning in November 1978. When pushed by his hawkish national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, to encourage the Shah to use force against the opposition, Carter refused, and the Shah abdicated in January. Ultimately, the radical Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini took power and turned Iran from a close American ally into a staunchly anti-Western force in the region, despite the Carter Administration’s with the new government. Iran’s collapse added to the anxiety of other American partners in the region—especially Saudi Arabia—who were unsure whether the United States would support them if revolution crept to their doors. This fear was punctuated by a border conflict between the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and its southern Marxist neighbor, the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) in February and March 1979, which threatened Saudi Arabia’s security. Hoping to reassure U.S. allies, Carter ordered a Navy carrier to the Gulf of Aden and used a congressional waiver to hasten arms deliveries to the YAR. That conflict ultimately ended in a cease-fire in mid-March. Though short-lived, this crisis, sometimes called the Second Yemenite War, was a for Carter’s Middle East policy that signaled his increased openness to military intervention. This willingness stemmed from the administration’s impression that the Persian Gulf was vital to American security, that the situation was and that it through a in the region—what Brzezinski dubbed a “ .” Accordingly, the administration also undertook a in arms sales to Saudi Arabia as part of a recognition of its outsize role in American interests in the region, especially due to its oil production. Carter’s mettle would be tested again later that year, when, on Nov. 4, Iranian student protesters seized the American embassy in Tehran and took over 60 U.S. Embassy personnel and expatriates hostage, only releasing some of the African American and female captives in a show of solidarity. Despite tireless diplomatic efforts to free the hostages, 52 Americans languished in captivity in Iran for 444 days—a colossal embarrassment to the Carter Administration (though reporting has over whether the Reagan campaign may have quietly signaled to Iran not to release the hostages while Carter was in office). To make matters worse, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in late December 1979, marking the end of the period of improved Soviet-American relations known as detente. The Soviets of American moves in the Middle East and that Afghanistan could become an American proxy on their border. Western intelligence agencies were shocked by the invasion and American policymakers worried that the Soviet Union might be angling to control the Persian Gulf and its oil, through Iran or Saudi Arabia. This possibility represented a significant threat to American interests, as it raised the specter of worsening the existing oil crisis caused by the Iranian Revolution, and prompted Carter to promulgate what came to be known— —as the “Carter Doctrine.” In his , Carter bluntly declared that “An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.” The Carter Doctrine set the stage for a more militant American policy toward the Middle East and created a policy rationale that allowed for the disastrous April 1980 (the first offensive U.S. military action in the region since 1958), the even-more-catastrophic U.S. intervention in Lebanon between 1982 and 1984, the 1991 Gulf War, and the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Carter also helped create the and necessary for projecting American power into the Middle East, a feat that was previously far more difficult because of the lack of U.S. bases and forces in the region. What, then, is Carter’s Middle East legacy? He was a peacemaker but was unable to end the Palestinian-Israeli conflict — something he his successors to do by recognizing a Palestinian state. He believed in restraint but ended up looking weak to many Americans, which contributed significantly to his defeat in 1980. He was an advocate for human rights and a reluctant interventionist, but paved the way for decades of American policy excesses in the Middle East, including unjust wars and torture. This mixed record reflected not only the complexity of Carter, but also the difficulty of the region and the cross pressures facing American policymakers as they determine a course in the Middle East. . Made by History at .

Developed in collaboration with the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) with funding support from the Government of New Zealand, the system is set to go live on January 6, 2025, a significant shift in how immigration applications and extensions are processed. In an interview with Cook Islands News, Elikana acknowledged that he was not aware of any immediate plans to revise immigration fees but noted the need for continual review of processes. “There’s always constant reviewing of our processes to make sure it’s faster and more user-friendly,” he said. “This is the first time we’re going online for our applications, so we’re looking at improving the services we provide.” The shift to an online system is expected to streamline operations, with applicants now taking on much of the workload by submitting their information digitally. The role of immigration officers will shift primarily to vetting applications, potentially reducing the labour-intensive processes of the past. “The last time, the justification for fees was based on man-hours or person-hours, to use a more politically correct term, spent on processing applications,” said Elikana. “Now, going online, most of the work is done by the applicants themselves.” Despite these advancements, the Minister stressed that the Ministry of Immigration remains a “critical component” in the development of the Cook Islands. He highlighted their role in facilitating migrant workers, who are essential to the nation’s economic growth. “Without their services, it makes it difficult for the development of our country,” Elikana said. “If they don’t allow migrant workers here, then we’re faced with a significant problem.” The transition to digital service is expected to enhance efficiency, but its full impact including any changes to fees, will likely unfold as the system comes into effect, according to Elikana.

ARLINGTON, Va., Nov. 25, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Fluence Energy, Inc. (Nasdaq: FLNC) (“Fluence” or the “Company”), a global market leader delivering intelligent energy storage, operational services, and asset optimization software, today announced its results for the three months and full fiscal year ended September 30, 2024. Fiscal Year 2024 Financial Highlights Financial Position Fiscal Year 2025 Outlook The Company is initiating fiscal year 2025 guidance as follows: The foregoing Fiscal Year 2025 Outlook statements represent management's current best estimate as of the date of this release. Actual results may differ materially depending on a number of factors. Investors are urged to read the Cautionary Note Regarding Forward-Looking Statements included in this release. Management does not assume any obligation to update these estimates. "Our record financial results for 2024 are a testament to our team's dedication, operational efficiency, and commitment to delivering value to our stakeholders as we achieved our highest ever revenue and profitability, marking a significant milestone in the Company's growth trajectory. Furthermore, we had our second consecutive quarter of signing more than $1 billion of new orders, which brought our backlog to $4.5 billion, underscoring the market's strong confidence in our energy storage solutions," said Julian Nebreda, the Company’s President and Chief Executive Officer. "As we look forward, we see unprecedented demand for battery energy storage solutions across the world, driven principally by the U.S. market. We believe we are well positioned to continue capturing this market with our best-in-class domestic content offering which utilizes U.S. manufactured battery cells." "We are pleased with our strong fiscal year-end performance, achieving record revenue growth, robust margin expansion and free cash flow. We also generated positive net income for the first time," said Ahmed Pasha, Chief Financial Officer. "With backlog and development pipeline at record levels, we enter fiscal 2025 poised for sustained profitable growth." Share Count The shares of the Company’s common stock as of September 30, 2024 are presented below: Conference Call Information The Company will conduct a teleconference starting at 8:30 a.m. EST on Tuesday, November 26, 2024, to discuss the fourth quarter and full fiscal year 2024 financial results. To participate, analysts are required to register by clicking Fluence Energy Inc. Q4 Earnings Call Registration Link . Once registered, analysts will be issued a unique PIN number and dial-in number. Analysts are encouraged to register at least 15 minutes before the scheduled start time. General audience participants, and non-analysts are encouraged to join the teleconference in a listen-only mode at: Fluence Energy Inc. Q4 Listen Only - Webcast , or on http://fluenceenergy.com by selecting Investors, News & Events, and Events & Presentations. Supplemental materials that may be referenced during the teleconference will be available at: http://fluenceenergy.com , by selecting Investors, News & Events, and Events & Presentations. A replay of the conference call will be available after 1:00 p.m. EST on Tuesday, November 26, 2024. The replay will be available on the Company’s website at http://fluenceenergy.com by selecting Investors, News & Events, and Events & Presentations. Non-GAAP Financial Measures We present our operating results in accordance with accounting principles generally accepted in the U.S. (“GAAP”). We believe certain financial measures, such as Adjusted EBITDA, Adjusted Gross Profit, Adjusted Gross Profit Margin, and Free Cash Flow, which are non-GAAP measures, provide users of our financial statements with supplemental information that may be useful in evaluating our operating performance. We believe that such non-GAAP measures, when read in conjunction with our operating results presented under GAAP, can be used to better assess our performance from period to period and relative to performance of other companies in our industry, without regard to financing methods, historical cost basis or capital structure. Such non-GAAP measures should be considered as a supplement to, and not as a substitute for, financial measures prepared in accordance with GAAP. These measures have limitations as analytical tools, including that other companies, including companies in our industry, may calculate these measures differently, reducing their usefulness as comparative measures. Adjusted EBITDA is calculated from the consolidated statements of operations using net income (loss) adjusted for (i) interest income, net, (ii) income taxes, (iii) depreciation and amortization, (iv) stock-based compensation, and (v) other non-recurring income or expenses. Adjusted EBITDA also includes amounts impacting net income related to estimated payments due to related parties pursuant to the Tax Receivable Agreement, dated October 27, 2021, by and among Fluence Energy, Inc., Fluence Energy, LLC, Siemens Industry, Inc. and AES Grid Stability, LLC (the “Tax Receivable Agreement”). Adjusted Gross Profit is calculated using gross profit, adjusted to exclude (i) stock-based compensation expenses, (ii) amortization, and (iii) other non-recurring income or expenses. Adjusted Gross Profit Margin is calculated using Adjusted Gross Profit divided by total revenue. Free Cash Flow is calculated from the consolidated statements of cash flows and is defined as net cash provided by (used in) operating activities, less purchase of property and equipment made in the period. We expect our Free Cash Flow to fluctuate in future periods as we invest in our business to support our plans for growth. Limitations on the use of Free Cash Flow include (i) it should not be inferred that the entire Free Cash Flow amount is available for discretionary expenditures (for example, cash is still required to satisfy other working capital needs, including short-term investment policy, restricted cash, and intangible assets); (ii) Free Cash Flow has limitations as an analytical tool, and it should not be considered in isolation or as a substitute for analysis of other GAAP financial measures, such as net cash provided by operating activities; and (iii) this metric does not reflect our future contractual commitments. Please refer to the reconciliations of the non-GAAP financial measures to their most directly comparable GAAP financial measures included in this press release and the accompanying tables contained at the end of this release. The Company is not able to provide a quantitative reconciliation of full fiscal year 2025 Adjusted EBITDA to GAAP Net Income (Loss) on a forward-looking basis within this press release because of the uncertainty around certain items that may impact Adjusted EBITDA, including stock compensation and restructuring expenses, that are not within our control or cannot be reasonably predicted without unreasonable effort. About Fluence Fluence Energy, Inc. (Nasdaq: FLNC) is a global market leader delivering intelligent energy storage and optimization software for renewables and storage. The Company's solutions and operational services are helping to create a more resilient grid and unlock the full potential of renewable portfolios. With gigawatts of projects successfully contracted, deployed and under management across nearly 50 markets, the Company is transforming the way we power our world for a more sustainable future. For more information, visit our website, or follow us on LinkedIn or X. To stay up to date on the latest industry insights, sign up for Fluence's Full Potential Blog. Cautionary Note Regarding Forward-Looking Statements The statements contained in this press release and statements that are made on our earnings call that are not historical facts are forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, and the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. These forward-looking statements include, without limitation, statements set forth above under “Fiscal Year 2025 Outlook,” and other statements regarding the Company's future financial and operational performance, future market and industry growth and related opportunities for the Company, anticipated Company growth and business strategy, including future incremental working capital and capital opportunities, liquidity and access to capital and cash flows, demand for electricity and impact to energy storage, demand for the Company's energy storage solutions, services, and digital applications offerings, our positioning to capture market share with domestic content offering and future offerings, expected impact and benefits from the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 and U.S. Treasury domestic content guidelines on us and on our customers, anticipated timeline of U.S. battery module production and timing of our domestic content offering, expectations relating to our contracting manufacturing capacity, potential impact to tariffs, related policies, and regulations from the change in political administration, new products and solutions and product innovation, relationships with new and existing customers and suppliers, expectations relating to backlog, pipeline, and contracted backlog, future revenue recognition, future results of operations, future capital expenditures and debt service obligations, and projected costs, beliefs, assumptions, prospects, plans and objectives of management. Such statements can be identified by the fact that they do not relate strictly to historical or current facts. When used in this press release, words such as “may,” “possible,” “will,” “should,” “expects,” “plans,” “anticipates,” “could,” “intends,” “targets,” “projects,” “contemplates,” "commits", “believes,” “estimates,” “predicts,” “potential” or “continue” or the negative of these terms or other similar expressions and variations thereof and similar words and expressions are intended to identify such forward-looking statements, but the absence of these words does not mean that a statement is not forward-looking. The forward-looking statements contained in this press release are based on our current expectations and beliefs concerning future developments, as well as a number of assumptions concerning future events, and their potential effects on our business. These forward-looking statements are not guarantees of performance, and there can be no assurance that future developments affecting our business will be those that we have anticipated. These forward-looking statements involve a number of risks, uncertainties (some of which are beyond our control) or other assumptions that may cause actual results or performance to be materially different from those expressed or implied by these forward-looking statements, which include, but are not limited to, our relatively limited operating and revenue history as an independent entity and the nascent clean energy industry; anticipated increasing expenses in the future and our ability to maintain prolonged profitability; fluctuations of our order intake and results of operations across fiscal periods; potential difficulties in maintaining manufacturing capacity and establishing expected mass manufacturing capacity in the future; risks relating to delays, disruptions, and quality control problems in our manufacturing operations; risks relating to quality and quantity of components provided by suppliers; risks relating to our status as a relatively low-volume purchaser as well as from supplier concentration and limited supplier capacity; risks relating to operating as a global company with a global supply chain; changes in the global trade environment; changes in the cost and availability of raw materials and underlying components; failure by manufacturers, vendors, and suppliers to use ethical business practices and comply with applicable laws and regulations; significant reduction in pricing or order volume or loss of one or more of our significant customers or their inability to perform under their contracts; risks relating to competition for our offerings and our ability to attract new customers and retain existing customers; ability to maintain and enhance our reputation and brand recognition; ability to effectively manage our recent and future growth and expansion of our business and operations; our growth depends in part on the success of our relationships with third parties; ability to attract and retain highly qualified personnel; risks associated with engineering and construction, utility interconnection, commissioning and installation of our energy storage solutions and products, cost overruns, and delays; risks relating to lengthy sales and installation cycle for our energy storage solutions; risks related to defects, errors, vulnerabilities and/or bugs in our products and technology; risks relating to estimation uncertainty related to our product warranties; fluctuations in currency exchange rates; risks related to our current and planned foreign operations; amounts included in our pipeline and contracted backlog may not result in actual revenue or translate into profits; risks related to acquisitions we have made or that we may pursue; events and incidents relating to storage, delivery, installation, operation, maintenance and shutdowns of our products; risks relating to our impacts to our customer relationships due to events and incidents during the project lifecycle of an energy storage solution; actual or threatened health epidemics, pandemics or similar public health threats; ability to obtain financial assurances for our projects; risks relating to whether renewable energy technologies are suitable for widespread adoption or if sufficient demand for our offerings do not develop or takes longer to develop than we anticipate; estimates on size of our total addressable market; risks relating to the cost of electricity available from alternative sources; macroeconomic uncertainty and market conditions; risk relating to interest rates or a reduction in the availability of tax equity or project debt capital in the global financial markets and corresponding effects on customers’ ability to finance energy storage systems and demand for our energy storage solutions; decline in public acceptance of renewable energy, or delay, prevent, or increase in the cost of customer projects; severe weather events; increased attention to ESG matters; restrictions set forth in our current credit agreement and future debt agreements; uncertain ability to raise additional capital to execute on business opportunities; ability to obtain, maintain and enforce proper protection for our intellectual property, including our technology; threat of lawsuits by third parties alleging intellectual property violations; adequate protection for our trademarks and trade names; ability to enforce our intellectual property rights; risks relating to our patent portfolio; ability to effectively protect data integrity of our technology infrastructure and other business systems; use of open-source software; failure to comply with third party license or technology agreements; inability to license rights to use technologies on reasonable terms; risks relating to compromises, interruptions, or shutdowns of our systems; barriers arising from current electric utility industry policies and regulations and any subsequent changes; reduction, elimination, or expiration of government incentives or regulations regarding renewable energy; potential changes in tax laws or regulations; risks relating to environmental, health, and safety laws and potential obligations, liabilities and costs thereunder; failure to comply with data privacy and data security laws, regulations and industry standards; risks relating to potential future legal proceedings, regulatory disputes, and governmental inquiries; risks related to ownership of our Class A common stock; risks related to us being a “controlled company” within the meaning of the NASDAQ rules; risks relating to the terms of our amended and restated certificate of incorporation and amended and restated bylaws; risks relating to our relationship with our Founders and Continuing Equity Owners; risks relating to conflicts of interest by our officers and directors due to positions with Continuing Equity Owners; risks related to short-seller activists; we depend on distributions from Fluence Energy, LLC to pay our taxes and expenses and Fluence Energy, LLC’s ability to make such distributions may be limited or restricted in certain scenarios; risks arising out of the Tax Receivable Agreement; unanticipated changes in effective tax rates or adverse outcomes resulting from examination of tax returns; risks relating to improper and ineffective internal control over reporting to comply with Sarbanes-Oxley Act; risks relating to changes in accounting principles or their applicability to us; risks relating to estimates or judgments relating to our critical accounting policies; and other factors set forth under Item 1A.“Risk Factors” in our Annual Report on Form 10-K for the fiscal year ended September 30, 2024, to be filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”), and in other filings we make with the SEC from time to time. New risks and uncertainties emerge from time to time and it is not possible for us to predict all such risk factors, nor can we assess the effect of all such risk factors on our business or the extent to which any factor or combination of factors may cause actual results to differ materially from those contained in any forward-looking statements. Should one or more of these risks or uncertainties materialize, or should any of the assumptions prove incorrect, actual results may vary in material respects from those projected in these forward-looking statements. You are cautioned not to place undue reliance on any forward-looking statements made in this press release. Each forward-looking statement speaks only as of the date of the particular statement, and we undertake no obligation to publicly update or revise any forward-looking statements to reflect events or circumstances that occur, or which we become aware of, after the date hereof, except as otherwise may be required by law. Reclassifications Certain prior period amounts have been reclassified to conform to the current period presentation. Accounts payable with related parties of $2.5 million and Accruals with related parties of $3.7 million as of September 30, 2023, were reclassified from Deferred revenue and payables with related parties to Accounts payable and Accruals and provisions, respectively, on the consolidated balance sheet. The reclassification had no impact on the total current liabilities for any period presented. Corresponding reclassifications were also reflected on the consolidated statement of cash flows for the fiscal year ended September 30, 2023 and 2022. The reclassifications had no impact on cash provided by (used in) operations for the period presented. Provision on loss contracts, net of $6.1 million and $30.0 million for the fiscal years ended September 30, 2023 and 2022, respectively, was reclassified to current accruals and provisions on the consolidated statement of cash flows. The reclassification had no impact on cash provided by (used in) operations for the period presented. The following tables present our key operating metrics for the fiscal years ended September 30, 2024 and 2023. The tables below present the metrics in either Gigawatts (GW) or Gigawatt hours (GWh). Our key operating metrics focus on project milestones to measure our performance and designate each project as either “deployed”, “assets under management”, “contracted backlog”, or “pipeline”. The following table presents our order intake for the three months and fiscal years ended September 30, 2024 and 2023. The table is presented in Gigawatts (GW): Deployed Deployed represents cumulative energy storage products and solutions that have achieved substantial completion and are not decommissioned. Deployed is monitored by management to measure our performance towards achieving project milestones. Assets Under Management Assets under management for service contracts represents our long-term service contracts with customers associated with our completed energy storage system products and solutions. We start providing maintenance, monitoring, or other operational services after the storage product projects are completed. In some cases, services may be commenced for energy storage solutions prior to achievement of substantial completion. This is not limited to energy storage solutions delivered by Fluence. Assets under management for digital software represents contracts signed and active (post go live). Assets under management serves as an indicator of expected revenue from our customers and assists management in forecasting our expected financial performance. Contracted Backlog For our energy storage products and solutions contracts, contracted backlog includes signed customer orders or contracts under execution prior to when substantial completion is achieved. For service contracts, contracted backlog includes signed service agreements associated with our storage product projects that have not been completed and the associated service has not started. For digital applications contracts, contracted backlog includes signed agreements where the associated subscription has not started. We cannot guarantee that our contracted backlog will result in actual revenue in the originally anticipated period or at all. Contracted backlog may not generate margins equal to our historical operating results. We have only recently begun to track our contracted backlog on a consistent basis as performance measures, and as a result, we do not have significant experience in determining the level of realization that we will achieve on these contracts. Our customers may experience project delays or cancel orders as a result of external market factors and economic or other factors beyond our control. If our contracted backlog fails to result in revenue as anticipated or in a timely manner, we could experience a reduction in revenue, profitability, and liquidity. Contracted/Order Intake Contracted, which we use interchangeably with “order intake”, represents new energy storage product and solutions contracts, new service contracts and new digital contracts signed during each period presented. We define “Contracted” as a firm and binding purchase order, letter of award, change order or other signed contract (in each case an “Order”) from the customer that is received and accepted by Fluence. Our order intake is intended to convey the dollar amount and gigawatts (operating measure) contracted in the period presented. We believe that order intake provides useful information to investors and management because the order intake provides visibility into future revenue and enables evaluation of the effectiveness of the Company’s sales activity and the attractiveness of its offerings in the market. Pipeline Pipeline represents our uncontracted, potential revenue from energy storage products and solutions, service, and digital software contracts, which have a reasonable likelihood of contract execution within 24 months. Pipeline is an internal management metric that we construct from market information reported by our global sales force. Pipeline is monitored by management to understand the anticipated growth of our Company and our estimated future revenue related to customer contracts for our battery-based energy storage products and solutions, services and digital software. We cannot guarantee that our pipeline will result in actual revenue in the originally anticipated period or at all. Pipeline may not generate margins equal to our historical operating results. We have only recently begun to track our pipeline on a consistent basis as performance measures, and as a result, we do not have significant experience in determining the level of realization that we will achieve on these contracts. Our customers may experience project delays or cancel orders as a result of external market factors and economic or other factors beyond our control. If our pipeline fails to result in revenue as anticipated or in a timely manner, we could experience a reduction in revenue, profitability, and liquidity. Annual Recurring Revenue (ARR) ARR represents the net annualized contracted value including software subscriptions including initial trial, licensing, long term service agreements, and extended warranty agreements as of the reporting period. ARR excludes one-time fees, revenue share or other revenue that is non-recurring and variable. The Company believes ARR is an important operating metric as it provides visibility to future revenue. It is important to management to increase this visibility as we continue to expand. ARR is not a forecast of future revenue and should be viewed independently of revenue and deferred revenue as ARR is an operating metric and is not intended to replace these items. The following tables present our non-GAAP measures for the periods indicated. ____________________________ 1 Non-GAAP Financial Metric. See the section below titled “Non-GAAP Financial Measures” for more information regarding the Company's use of non-GAAP financial measures, as well as a reconciliation to the most directly comparable financials measure stated in accordance with GAAP. 2 Backlog represents the unrecognized revenue value of our contractual commitments, which include deferred revenue and amounts that will be billed and recognized as revenue in future periods. The Company’s backlog may vary significantly each reporting period based on the timing of major new contractual commitments and the backlog may fluctuate with currency movements. In addition, under certain circumstances, the Company’s customers have the right to terminate contracts or defer the timing of its services and their payments to the Company. 3 Total cash includes Cash and cash equivalents + Restricted Cash + Short term investments. Contacts Analyst Lexington May, Vice President, Finance & Investor Relations +1 713-909-5629 Email : InvestorRelations@fluenceenergy.com Media Email: media.na@fluenceenergy.comLewandowski joins Ronaldo and Messi in the Champions League century club with goal No. 100

For a radio station that doesn't care about ratings, 2MBS Fine Music Sydney has found an audience of loyal listeners all over the world. or signup to continue reading Veteran Drive program presenter Michael Morton-Evans even has one dedicated fan on the Isle of Wight in the UK, who sits by her fireplace to listen to his show. 2MBS was Australia's very first station on the FM radio band, hitting the airwaves at noon on December 15, 1974, beating Melbourne's 3MBS and Brisbane's 4ZZZ by a matter of months. The station in Sydney's St Leonards is celebrating 50 years of filling the airwaves with music - classical for the most part, but also jazz, blues and other genres. Morton-Evans has penned a history of 2MBS to mark the milestone, and believes it's the only volunteer-run station in the world to have lasted half a century. "It means everything to real lovers of classical music, we all love doing it, they all love listening to it," he told AAP. Ahead of a recent program, he's in the studio lining up traffic alerts and weather reports and just the right music to keep Sydney motorists calm during peak hour, starting with Russian composer Anton Arensky and Frenchman Georges Bizet. On a good day, the FM radio signal travels all the way to Newcastle and Wollongong, and Berrima in the southern highlands, while listeners further afield can tune in via the station's online stream and listening app. Three times a day the flow of classical music is interrupted by jazz programs, for those who happen to like that sort of thing, said Morton-Evans. "There's a sort of feeling around here among the jazz people that I don't like jazz, but it's not true - I do like jazz," he said. "Our jazz presenters are fantastic, they are so knowledgeable, they're almost worth listening to." One of those presenters, Jeannie McInnes, airs her popular program Jazz Rhythm with a different topic each week, ranging from Jackson Pollock's jazz playlist, to the sound of the colour green. "If you just want to hear the music, put on Spotify - if you want to learn something about the music, listen to the radio," she told AAP. Presenters such as Planet Jazz host Xavier Bichon revel in music of all kinds: a recent weekend saw him at a classical performance in the afternoon, and a Pearl Jam concert a few hours later. 2MBS does not rely on government grants and is entirely funded by its loyal listeners, some of whom have been very generous indeed. In 2010 one donor, Stefan Kruger, left the station $3 million in his will, enabling 2MBS to build a recording studio complete with grand piano, broadcast studios and a massive music library. Though most of the library is stored digitally these days, old technology is still kept on stand by including turntables, a reel to reel tape player, and a cassette deck. Before there was any of this equipment - or even a station to broadcast from - David James was the very first manager of 2MBS, helping it win a broadcast licence. Half a century later he still volunteers at the station, probably because he likes punishment, he jokes. "Radio is in my blood ... I just don't want to look at any other voluntary job anywhere." It's the people as much as the music, helped by the station's monthly wine and pizza nights, he said. There's also tea, coffee and biscuits on hand to fuel the station's 200 volunteers, such as former presenter Di Cox, 84. Cox has been volunteering at the station for 45 years and is still a regular visitor, selecting music for an upcoming program From Handel to Haydn. "Obviously I love it, because I've always said I'll never leave," she said. 2MBS is marking its milestone with a special retrospective program on Sunday at midday - exactly 50 years to the hour since its very first broadcast. It will also host a station open day on February 1, to commemorate its very first such event 50 years ago. Advertisement Sign up for our newsletter to stay up to date. We care about the protection of your data. Read our . AdvertisementI lost my job as a chiropractor and started selling dead bodies to make ends meet... including to the US military

Dental Market to Witness Excellent Revenue Growth Owing to Rapid Increase in Demand

“We have more students who are coming to school who are not potty-trained.” Marie Wiles was blunt about the increasingly basic needs of her pupils. She has served as superintendent of the Guilderland Central Schools, a suburb of Albany, for 14 years. “It’s a big discussion. Toileting needs are a part of the conversation now along with managing behaviors. It’s generally taking students longer to learn school behaviors. It’s a reality of our day to day. It’s everywhere, not just here," she said. Since the COVID-19 pandemic, educators from urban, suburban and rural school districts tell Capital Tonight that the array and depth of student needs have increased substantially. “Our students have greater needs, and our costs are greater than they used to be,” according to David Little, executive director of the Rural Schools Association. Jennifer Pyle, executive director of the Conference of Big 5 School Districts, which represents New York City, Yonkers, Syracuse, Rochester and Buffalo as well as Albany, Mount Vernon and Utica, said some districts chose to spend one-time COVID grant funding on recurring expenses like social workers, counselors and psychologists. “We receive criticism, of course, for doing that...but it was something where we didn’t have a choice. This is what our kids needed,” she said. “And a lot of those positions are now on the chopping block.” As 2025 approaches, educators are facing a trifecta of change: the loss of COVID-era money; the retooling of the Foundation Aid formula — the primary formula for distributing state aid — and possible disruption from the incoming Trump administration. Wiles is worried. “We may be on the brink of a perfect storm,” she said. Regarding changes discussed by the Trump administration, Robert Lowry, the long-time deputy director of the New York State Council of School Superintendents, agrees there’s a lot for school districts in liberal states like New York to be concerned about. But he warns against pre-panicking. “The president-elect has proposed eliminating the U.S. Education Department, something that I will emphasize to school officials, doesn’t mean that all the programs administered by the Education Department would go away,” Lowry said. The elimination of the department would require congressional action. Lowry noted that the country didn’t have a federal Education Department until 1979. Instead, major federal education funding programs like Title I, which provides compensatory education targeted to disadvantaged children; Title III, which provides support for multilingual students and Title VII, which provides support for civil rights issues, were administered through other agencies. “What we’re hearing is troubling. Obviously, Title I funding for schools with low-income students, IDEA (Individuals with Disabilities Education Act) funding for special needs students, those are two huge areas,” said Jennifer Pyle. "Fifty percent of the kids in special ed [in New York state] are in my eight districts. Sixty-seven percent of the English language learners are in my eight districts. Forty-three of the kids in the state are in my eight districts, and the bulk of them are poor.” Pyle is also keeping an ear out for information about the future of the school lunch program and the possible elimination of the summer meal program for children who are not enrolled in school. Asked to speculate how changes in federal funding could impact New York, NYSCOSS’ Lowry said administrators in Washington have a variety of levers at their disposal. “Cuts to the program, changes in how the funding is allocated among states; potentially, changes in how funding is allocated among districts. Is there some sort of block grant initiative?” Lowry wondered. “The campaign also made statements to the effect that the (Trump) administration would attempt to withhold funding to schools which are teaching critical race theory or are somehow being overly supportive of transgender children.” Rick Timbs, executive director of the Statewide School Finance Consortium, agrees with Lowry. “They’re going to say, if you want money, you better be emphasizing this and not this, whether it’s regarding migrants, LGBTQ+ issues, or transgender rights," Timbs sai. According to Pyle, there is also heightened concern among migrant students’ families. “Anecdotally, there are parents coming into school expressing their concerns about the safety of their children. Sending their children to school and what the implications will be for their families,” Pyle said. “They want to keep their families intact and not knowing what will happen, which is deeply troubling. Their fears are reasonable given the rhetoric that we’re hearing.” Timbs states that underlying these changes is a battle for control. “It’s not just local control. It’s parental control, it’s educational control,” he explained. Timbs believes that many cultural issues that people had thought were “settled” have turned into micro-movements. “Look at the movement, for example, to ban certain books in school libraries. What’s actually happening is that there are attempts across states, including New York state, for more local control, more local say on what happens and what doesn’t happen, what’s allowed or not allowed, what is taught, what is not taught, what inferences are made or not made within public schools.” He sees the New York state Board of Regents’ “New Pathways to Graduation” as one response to these currents. To some conservatives, the changes need to go further. “I’m a fairly moderate conservative. I have three daughters, the last one is in college and just started. But I found myself having to deprogram them every day coming back from school. And I’m not extreme in that sense at all,” Bill O’Reilly, a newspaper columnist and Republican strategist for the November Team, told Capital Tonight. “For example, I might talk about the Rockefellers, and immediately it came out ‘those bastards.’ Everything was negative. ‘Those robber barons.' And now we are at the point where you’re questioned if you question that a boy could turn into a girl,” he said. “I am not uncommon. All my friends with children, we have had the same conversations for years and these are not very political people.” While O’Reilly supports educational change, he thinks New York should have a lot more autonomy under the Trump administration because states’ rights is a core conservative principle. “On paper, it’s probably less of a freakout than people think. The other thing is, how much could they actually pull off? There are so many issues out there to go after,” he said. O’Reilly, Timbs and Lowry all agree that the incoming Trump administration will likely push for more charter, voucher and religious schools. “I think it will end up back in court,” O’Reilly said, referring to Blaine Amendment battles from the past which prohibit state legislatures from appropriating funds to religious schools. Health care and the state Department of Education NYSCOSS’ Lowry is also concerned about two other issues that have been somewhat under the radar: the federal funding utilized by the New York state Education Department and health care. “I’m no expert in health care, but if I add it up correctly, we use over $75 billion in federal money to support Medicaid, Child Health Plus and the Essential Plan.” Lowry wonders aloud what the ripple effect might be for schools if that money were to be slashed at the federal level. “I do not believe that if you’re hit with something of that magnitude that the impact would be restricted just to health care,” he said. “The state would try and preserve some services and the greater the impact on the state budget, the greater the possible impact on school districts. And it wouldn’t be just wealthy districts because wealthy districts don’t get that much aid. So the deeper need for cuts, whether it’s some federal action or a downturn in the economy, the harder it is to spare school aid.” According to Lowry, the New York state Education Department is another issue to keep an eye on considering that federal funds support 57% of the department’s total operating budget. “Of course, NYSED does more than P-12 education. They do a lot with adult vocational rehabilitation services for adults with disabilities which involves federal money. But their office of P-12 education, the part that I have the most interaction with, about 2/3rds of the staff in that office are funded with federal dollars.” Federal funds for aid to school districts and other P-12 institutions totals $5.39 billion in New York state. For perspective, state-funded school aid totals $35.89 billion. Federal funding for staff and non-personnel costs of SED’s Office of P12 Education totals $234 million and funds nearly two-thirds of the staff positions in that office. NYSED did not grant an interview request to Capital Tonight about this issue. Foundation Aid “My biggest worry honestly is about Foundation Aid because that is a much bigger part of our operating budget than our federal dollars are. We have, you know, monies connected to the Titles I, II, III, IV. We have two grants connected to special education, but they are a relatively small part of the dollars that we have. Foundation Aid changes could potentially be much more devastating,” Guilderland’s Marie Wiles explained. “We’re kind of in a wait and see mode.” When this year’s budget was finally enacted by the state Legislature and signed into law by the governor, New York had invested a record $35.9 billion into school aid, including $24.9 billion in Foundation Aid alone. But there was something else in the budget that schools around the state took notice of. The governor had commissioned the Rockefeller Institute of Government, headed by former state Budget Director Robert Megna, to study the outdated Foundation Aid formula. It wasn’t a surprise. Earlier in the session, in Gov. Kathy Hochul’s executive budget, she had eliminated "Save Harmless," a provision in the aid formula that prevents any schools from receiving less aid than it did the year before. The governor argued that student populations were shrinking, and that school budgets needed to be “right-sized." The Legislature and education advocates argued that before making any big changes, the state needed to take a more holistic look at the formula. A compromise was reached. While the enacted budget didn’t include the elimination of "Save Harmless," the governor successfully lowered the inflation factor in the education budget from 3.4% to 2.8% and asked the Rockefeller Institute to come up with Foundation Aid recommendations by Dec. 1, which is this coming Sunday. Districts could feel a big financial hit from even the smallest changes to the 26-year-old Foundation Aid formula. “Buffalo receives 73% of their money from the state, 16% from federal. Their local share is so low. If the state doesn’t come through with the funding and the federal government fails to deliver or cuts back, there will be nowhere to go,” the Conference of Big 5’s Jennifer Pyle explained. Pyle’s concerns are echoed by David Little of the Rural Schools Association. “The governor is fond of asking why should we be paying for students that aren’t there anymore. Well, for the same reason that New York is paying more in its budget despite the fact that it has fewer residents,” Little said, pointedly. Additionally, according to Wiles, the number of students with disabilities that Guilderland serves is rising, which means the district’s costs are rising too. “We’ve had to expand the number of classrooms to meet the needs of additional students [with disabilities] who have either moved into Guilderland or who are newly identified,” she said. “So, we had to add another classroom and next year, it looks like we’re going to need a fifth elementary self-contained classroom. And they’re all full. School districts may have fewer students, but we have a greater percentage of students with significant needs.” All of these competing pressures have members of New York state Conference of School Superintendents feeling a rise in pessimism, according to Bob Lowry. “Every year since 2016, we’ve asked how optimistic or pessimistic are you...regarding your district’s ability to maintain adequate services for students and this year it was 82% pessimistic and 16% optimistic,” Lowry said. “Two years ago, it was 55% optimistic. And this survey was done back in August before the election.” Wiles may have summed up how educators in New York feel about 2025. “There’s just a long list of unknowns and they’re all about big things,” she said.Paris Saint-Germain are at increasing risk of missing out on the Champions League knockout stages after losing with ten men away to Bayern Munich . It was a night for forget for Ousmane Dembele who was sent off for two yellow cards and also extended his record of most shots in the Champions League this season without scoring. Advertisement Russia goalkeeper Matvey Safonov was caught out by the corner from which Kim Min-jae scored the opening goal and while he pulled off a great save from Jamal Musiala in the second-half to keep the score at 1-0, PSG never found a way to get level. The result leaves PSG in 26th spot and Bayern 11th after five rounds, with the top eight qualifying automatically, the next 16 entering a play-off and the final eight eliminated. Here The Athletic ’s Oliver Kay, Sebastian Stafford Bloor and Anantaajith Raghuraman break down the key talking points. Are PSG really going to be eliminated? Could Paris Saint-Germain miss out on the Champions League knockout stage altogether? The new format offers margin for error, but the French champions are in big trouble, having lost three and won just one of their first five games in the league phase. PSG had only a 3 per cent chance of finishing in the top eight before the game and defeat in Munich left them 26th in the 36-team standings, just ahead of Shakhtar Donetsk, Sparta Prague and Girona , and desperately needing something from their final three games: away to RB Salzburg on December 10 and then they play Manchester City (home) and Stuttgart (away) in December in January. In a format where eight teams progress automatically to the knock-out stage and another 16 progress to a play-off round, it seemed almost inconceivable that one of Europe’s big guns could finish in the bottom 12, but PSG are in genuine danger. There were elements of the second-half performance that might have encouraged coach Luis Enrique, but their lack of goals in this competition (three in five games) is a real concern. Oliver Kay Is Kimmich Bayern’s captain in waiting? This was a timely performance from Joshua Kimmich , who was at the root of almost everything Bayern did well. Timely, because Kimmich’s contract is due to expire in the summer and he and the club are still trying to reach an agreement over an extension. This week, Max Eberl, the club’s board member for sport, described the situation: “I think we are very, very open with him,” Eberl told Sport Bild. Advertisement “We’ve told him that we want to extend his contract. We are telling him that he should become captain when Manuel Neuer is no longer on the pitch. And we tell him that he should be the face of our club. We’ve made that clear to him and we stand behind it.” No wonder, because Kimmich was everything Bayern needed him to be this evening. One of the criticisms of him is that he does not do enough with the ball when he plays in midfield. That he is a neat passer, but not a true orchestrator — and there is merit to that argument sometimes. But Kimmich was particularly dynamic with the ball against PSG, starting moves but thereafter providing the stability in his own half to allow them to develop safely. His role under Kompany has certainly broadened. Playing back in midfield naturally extends his influence, but he seems so often to be both the start point for moves and also the out-ball for teammates who are caught deep in their own half and put under pressure. A captain’s performance, even if he’s not wearing the armband yet. Sebastian Stafford-Bloor Was Dembele unlucky or bad or both? Ousmane Dembele’s individual performance was emblematic of a team who have potential but aren’t doing things right. With Alphonso Davies pushing forward and even inverting at times for Bayern, Dembele received multiple opportunities to bear down on goal down PSG’s right. His first involvement came eight minutes in after a Bayern error seemed to send him through, but he dawdled on the ball and Leon Goretzka slid in to block his effort. Dembele got his and PSG’s first shot on target in the 20th minute after another Bayern giveaway, but his effort from the edge of the box was comfortably pouched by Manuel Neuer. Another break followed 12 minutes later, with Fabian Ruiz ’s reverse pass finding Dembele, who wrestled with Kim before firing a left-footed shot from an acute angle that Neuer palmed away. Advertisement Frustrating, but PSG simply needed to hang on until the break. Then came the sequence that defined the game. As both teams set up for a Bayern corner, Dembele repeatedly debated with referee Istvan Kovacs on the legitimacy of the set-piece being awarded, getting himself booked. The initial corner was cleared out for another, which PSG goalkeeper Matvei Safonov flapped at to allow Kim to score in the 38th minute. PSG looked refreshed after the break, with their pressing limiting Bayern to unsuccessful counterattacks. Dembele was involved in their bid for an equalizer, sending a couple of teasing crosses into the box as well. However, that positive start was disrupted by Dembele receiving a second yellow card in the 56th minute after sliding into win the ball off Davies. Replays showed that the Frenchman did get his boot on the ball, but with VAR unable to review second yellow cards, Dembele was dismissed, leaving PSG to play over half an hour with 10 men with their Champions League campaign on the line. The dismissal will be disappointing, but this was another missed opportunity for Dembele, who holds the envious record of recording the most shots without a goal in this season’s Champions League (21). Anantaajith Raghuraman Why doesn’t Luis Enrique pick a centre-forward? “We need 20 clear chances to score,” Enrique lamented after his team’s 2-1 defeat by Atletico Madrid three weeks ago, which makes it all the stranger that he continues to operate without a specialist centre-forward. Goncalo Ramos is not yet match-fit after an ankle injury, but the continued exclusion of Randal Kolo Muani is mystifying, with Enrique preferring to field Ousmane Dembele and Bradley Barcola as wide forwards and leave the central area vacant for long periods of the first half. It wasn’t a horses-for-courses selection. Kolo Muani has started more games for France this season (five) than for his club (two). He has not started a game for PSG since Enrique substituted him at half-time during a a 1-1 draw with Nice. Advertisement After Dembele was sent off for a second bookable offence, it was Ramos who was summoned from the bench to replace Barcola with 19 minutes remaining. That didn’t work either. There is logic in going without a specialist centre-forward, but it requires an element of control in midfield or, failing that, a direct, incisive edge in attack. On this occasion, PSG had none of the above. Oliver Kay What was the Al-Khelaifi banner displayed by Bayern fans? Bayern’s ultras came prepared for the occasion — the specific game and the broader conflict. In the first half, they unveiled a banner aimed directly at Nasser Al-Khelaifi, the PSG president. “Football C’est moi? F*** off plutocratic Al-Khelaifi!” On a separate banner, hoisted a few rows behind: “Minister, club owner, TV rights holder, UEFA ExCo member and ECA chairman all in one!” Within that franglaise, the inference by the ultras is that Al-Khelaifi holds too much power in the game. Or that he holds too much authority within organisations that, in a few cases, theoretically overlap with one another. It’s a hard charge to refute. Al-Khelaifi is the president of the BeIN media group, a Champions League broadcaster. He is also, as the banner makes references to, a force within both UEFA’s executive committee and the European Club Association — European football’s policy maker and its organisation of member clubs respectively. Paris Saint-Germain have not responded to a request for comment on the banners from The Athletic . And, as is UEFA protocol, the governing body will wait for reports from the match before considering any action. Sebastian Stafford-Bloor What did Luis Enrique say? We will bring you this after he has spoken at the post-match press conference. What did Vincent Kompany say? We will bring you this after he has spoken at the post-match press conference. What next for PSG? Saturday, November 30: Nantes (H), Ligue 1, 8pm UK, 3pm ET What next for Bayern? Saturday, November 30: Borussia Dortmund (A), Bundesliga , 5.30pm UK, 12.30pm ET Recommended reading (Top photo: Alexander Hassenstein/Getty Images)

All 36 states have submitted their positions on State Police, with a majority agreeing on the need for state-controlled policing. The Governor of Kaduna State, Uba Sani, revealed this to State House Correspondents after the 147th meeting of the National Economic Council at the Aso Rock Villa, Abuja, on Thursday. He said, “Today, one of the discussions we had at the NEC meeting was the update on the creation of state police. As you are aware, there was a submission by states toward the establishment of state police. “36 states have submitted, minus FCT. FCT is not a state. They explained why they had not submitted it. But 36 states have all submitted their own position on state police. “From what is available, virtually most of the states are in agreement with the establishment of state police in Nigeria. I want to say here clearly that most of us are in agreement with the establishment of State Police.” The Kaduna State Governor explained that the consensus stemmed from various security challenges across states. He highlighted the central issue of ungoverned spaces in Nigeria and the acute shortage of security personnel, including the police, army, and other relevant agencies, which are unable to cover all areas adequately. “That is why most of us agreed that the establishment of state police in Nigeria is the way forward toward addressing the problem of insecurity in our own country,” he stated. However, the Council deferred final discussions until January, when a detailed report from the NEC secretariat will be presented for deliberation. “But today, the Council decided to step down the discussion until the next council meeting because we need to come up with a report from the secretariat. After the report, there will be deliberation at the next NEC meeting, which will likely take place in January. “Not only that. There was also a resolution in the last NEC meeting, which today the secretariat agreed on, stating that there will be further stakeholder engagement after the panel and deliberation by the members of the NEC.” At its 146th meeting on November 21, the Council gave Adamawa, Kebbi, and Kwara States and the FCT one week (November 28) to submit their positions on the proposed creation of state police. “The Council mandated these remaining states and FCT to make their submissions within the next one week,” the Bayelsa State Governor, Mr Duoye Diri, told State House Correspondents. Diri said the three states and the nation’s capital are the only entities yet to submit reports out of the 36 states. On February 15, 2024, the Federal Government, alongside the 36 states, began talks expected to culminate in the creation of state police. Related News NEC to review state police reports today Serial grid collapse: NEC panel to boost power generation in states FG, govs decide on state police next week This formed part of agreements reached at an emergency meeting between President Bola Tinubu and state governors at the Aso Rock Villa, Abuja. It followed the pockets of insecurity recorded nationwide, hikes in food price,s, and economic hardship. Addressing State House Correspondents afterward, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, explained that the process was still in its infancy and would only take shape after more deliberations between stakeholders. “The Federal Government and the state governments are mulling the possibility of setting up state police,” said Idris, adding that “this is still going to be further discussed.” He explained, “A lot of work must be done in that direction. But if our government and the state governments agree to the necessity of having state police, this is a significant shift.” Two days earlier, the House of Representatives said it was considering a legislative bill titled, ‘A bill for an Act to alter the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, to provide for the establishment of State Police and related matters.’ Following this agreement, the National Economic Council requested each state to submit detailed reports outlining their positions and plans for implementing state police. By March 2024, 16 states had submitted their reports, with the remaining 20 expected to do so by May. In April 2024, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum announced that the decisions of the remaining 20 governors were ready for submission to the NEC, indicating a unified commitment among the states to establish state police forces. Despite these, as of the last NEC meeting, the implementation of state police remains only in the planning stages as the FG and state authorities continue to haggle on the constitutional amendments required to empower states to establish and manage their police forces. Asked why the process has been slow-paced in the past nine months, the Bayelsa Governor argued that the Council is determined to hasten the process and get its members to submit their reports by November 28. “On the issue of state police today, when the decision was taken, even before it was, the three states in question, one of them [Adamawa] was represented by the Deputy Governor, had earlier made submissions that they presented their report. “So that was why NEC could not come out immediately to say ‘A or B,’ but rather give a timeline. And that timeline, as you can see, was very short: one week for them to go and do whatever they are doing so that decisions will be made by the next NEC meeting. And, from how they reacted, I’m sure that maybe we have some bureaucracy regarding the submission.” The debate for creating state police in Nigeria primarily stems from the centralised nature of the Nigerian Police Force, which many security pundits perceive as inadequate for addressing the unique security challenges across the country’s diverse regions. Proponents argue that the outfit would bring law enforcement closer to the communities they serve, enhance the effectiveness of policing, and allow for more localised control over security matters. However, opponents fear that state police could lead to the abuse of power, particularly in states with firm political control, potentially exacerbating regional tensions and undermining national unity.EASTON, Md., Nov. 21, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- TeraWulf Inc. (Nasdaq: WULF) (“TeraWulf” or the “Company”), a leading owner and operator of vertically integrated, next-generation digital infrastructure powered by predominantly zero-carbon energy, today announced that Sean Farrell has been promoted to Chief Operating Officer, effective immediately. Mr. Farrell will continue to report directly to Nazar Khan, Chief Technology Officer of TeraWulf. “This promotion reflects Sean’s exceptional leadership, unwavering commitment to operational excellence, and the strong relationships he has cultivated within and outside the Company,” said Paul Prager, Chief Executive Officer of TeraWulf. “Our leadership team is a vital asset to TeraWulf, and Sean embodies the qualities that drive our success. His energy, passion, and determination will be invaluable as we enhance our high-performance computing (HPC) and artificial intelligence (AI) data center capabilities.” Prager further emphasized, “In this new role, which combines strategic vision with operational execution, we are positioning TeraWulf to navigate rapid expansion and unlock significant value. It is crucial that our leadership team delivers results for our shareholders. Sean’s promotion marks a significant step forward in our commitment to operational excellence and organic growth. His technical experience and tireless attitude are precisely what TeraWulf needs, and we are fortunate to have him on our team.” Mr. Farrell brings over 13 years of experience in the energy sector, specializing in renewables, grid optimization, electric delivery, digitalization, and storage solutions across various business domains. Most recently, he served as Senior Vice President of Operations at TeraWulf, where he coordinated and oversaw the Company's data center operations and vertical integration strategy. Before joining TeraWulf, Mr. Farrell was the North American Head of Onshore Sales and Marketing at Siemens Gamesa Renewable Energy Inc., where he led product development, sales, and market strategy for onshore wind turbines in the U.S. and Canada. He began his career in the energy industry at Siemens Energy, progressing through roles of increasing responsibility within their Power System Sales organization, focusing on generation and electric delivery across diverse verticals for over a decade. “I am honored and excited by this opportunity to lead TeraWulf’s digital infrastructure operations,” said Sean Farrell. “Having worked alongside TeraWulf’s talented professionals for almost three years, I see substantial opportunities for growth and the expansion of our capacity to support HPC and AI compute workloads. I look forward to driving that growth in the coming years to be a top player in the space.” About TeraWulf TeraWulf develops, owns, and operates environmentally sustainable, next-generation data center infrastructure in the United States, specifically designed for Bitcoin mining and high-performance computing. Led by a team of seasoned energy entrepreneurs, the Company owns and operates the Lake Mariner facility situated on the expansive site of a now retired coal plant in Western New York. Currently, TeraWulf generates revenue primarily through Bitcoin mining, leveraging predominantly zero-carbon energy sources, including nuclear and hydroelectric power. Committed to environmental, social, and governance (ESG) principles that align with its business objectives, TeraWulf aims to deliver industry-leading economics in mining and data center operations at an industrial scale. Forward-Looking Statements This press release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of the “safe harbor” provisions of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, as amended. Such forward-looking statements include statements concerning anticipated future events and expectations that are not historical facts. All statements, other than statements of historical fact, are statements that could be deemed forward-looking statements. In addition, forward-looking statements are typically identified by words such as “plan,” “believe,” “goal,” “target,” “aim,” “expect,” “anticipate,” “intend,” “outlook,” “estimate,” “forecast,” “project,” “continue,” “could,” “may,” “might,” “possible,” “potential,” “predict,” “should,” “would” and other similar words and expressions, although the absence of these words or expressions does not mean that a statement is not forward-looking. Forward-looking statements are based on the current expectations and beliefs of TeraWulf’s management and are inherently subject to a number of factors, risks, uncertainties and assumptions and their potential effects. There can be no assurance that future developments will be those that have been anticipated. Actual results may vary materially from those expressed or implied by forward-looking statements based on a number of factors, risks, uncertainties and assumptions, including, among others: (1) conditions in the cryptocurrency mining industry, including fluctuation in the market pricing of bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies, and the economics of cryptocurrency mining, including as to variables or factors affecting the cost, efficiency and profitability of cryptocurrency mining; (2) competition among the various providers of cryptocurrency mining services; (3) changes in applicable laws, regulations and/or permits affecting TeraWulf’s operations or the industries in which it operates, including regulation regarding power generation, cryptocurrency usage and/or cryptocurrency mining, and/or regulation regarding safety, health, environmental and other matters, which could require significant expenditures; (4) the ability to implement certain business objectives and to timely and cost-effectively execute integrated projects; (5) failure to obtain adequate financing on a timely basis and/or on acceptable terms with regard to growth strategies or operations; (6) loss of public confidence in bitcoin or other cryptocurrencies and the potential for cryptocurrency market manipulation; (7) adverse geopolitical or economic conditions, including a high inflationary environment; (8) the potential of cybercrime, money-laundering, malware infections and phishing and/or loss and interference as a result of equipment malfunction or break-down, physical disaster, data security breach, computer malfunction or sabotage (and the costs associated with any of the foregoing); (9) the availability, delivery schedule and cost of equipment necessary to maintain and grow the business and operations of TeraWulf, including mining equipment and infrastructure equipment meeting the technical or other specifications required to achieve its growth strategy; (10) employment workforce factors, including the loss of key employees; (11) litigation relating to TeraWulf and/or its business; and (12) other risks and uncertainties detailed from time to time in the Company’s filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”). Potential investors, stockholders and other readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on these forward-looking statements, which speak only as of the date on which they were made. TeraWulf does not assume any obligation to publicly update any forward-looking statement after it was made, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, except as required by law or regulation. Investors are referred to the full discussion of risks and uncertainties associated with forward-looking statements and the discussion of risk factors contained in the Company’s filings with the SEC, which are available at www.sec.gov . Investors: Investors@terawulf.com Media: media@terawulf.comElias Wondimu On Nov. 25, Band Aid released the “ultimate remix” of “Do They Know It’s Christmas?,” the rock charity single from 40 years ago that, in addition to whatever good it has done, also broadcasts a narrative that undermines an entire continent’s dignity and agency. The recording has raised millions for humanitarian aid but has also furthered misrepresentations that have long justified treating Africa as a blank slate for Western intervention. In 1984, Bob Geldof, then the lead singer for the Boomtown Rats, brought together a supergroup of British and Irish rock stars to perform “Do They Know It’s Christmas?,” a song he co-wrote after seeing BBC reports of widespread famine in Ethiopia. The lyrics are a pop-song paean to colonialism, reminiscent of Hegel’s 19th century thinking when he dismissed Africa as “unhistorical, undeveloped” and “devoid of morality, religions and political constitution.” Lines such as “Where nothing ever grows / No rain nor rivers flow” and “Well tonight, thank God it’s them instead of you” painted Ethiopia as helpless, barren and dependent on Western salvation. In 1984, the song, accompanied by wrenching famine images, simplified a complex crisis, reducing the nation’s historical, cultural and religious identity to a caricature of despair for Western audiences. The Ethiopian famine of 1984 was far from a straightforward natural disaster. It was exacerbated by the civil war between Ethiopia’s Soviet-aligned Derg regime and insurgent groups such as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front supported by Western nations. Cold War geopolitics turned the famine into a proxy battleground, with the U.S. and U.K. providing both famine relief and covert support to insurgents seeking to weaken the Derg. The original Band Aid release set a record for Christmas sales in the U.K., and eight months later, Geldof organized Live Aid, a televised concert that attracted more than a billion viewers in more than 100 countries, or roughly a third of humanity. Broadcast over 16 hours from Wembley Stadium in London and John F. Kennedy Stadium (since demolished) in Philadelphia, it was a landmark cultural event featuring performances by David Bowie, Madonna, Paul McCartney and dozens more, and was attended by British royalty, including Princess Diana. The spectacle raised an astonishing $50 million in pledges, alongside additional revenue from sold-out merchandise. It was hailed as the pinnacle of humanitarian success. However, behind the euphoric Live Aid headlines lay dark questions. In a memoir, Fikre Selassie Wogderess, Ethiopia’s prime minister from 1987 to 1989, said only $20 million worth of aid actually reached the country in the mid-’80s. Reports — denied by Geldof and, in one instance, retracted by the BBC — have suggested that some of the funds could have landed in rebel hands. Since 1985, the Band Aid Charitable Trust is estimated to have raised more than $178 million for African relief, but the broader context cannot be ignored. Beyond the famine, the West’s involvement in Ethiopia turned into overt political meddling. In 1991, during the fall of the Derg, the U.K. and U.S. orchestrated a peace conference in London that enabled the TPLF to rise to power. This minority-led government ruled Ethiopia for 27 years, exacerbating ethnic tensions and sowing the seeds of instability that continue to plague the nation. The parallels with the Berlin Conference of 1884 — 2024 marks its 140th anniversary — where European powers divided Africa for their gain, are striking. Both events reveal a pattern of external forces imposing political structures on Africa to serve their interests, heedless of the continent’s complex histories and diverse peoples. Band Aid’s long-term impact on Africa’s image is equally troubling. The branding of Ethiopia — and by extension, Africa — as a monolithic land of suffering has been repeated through the years with revivals of “Do They Know It’s Christmas?,” including Band Aid II in 1989, Band Aid 20 in 2004, Band Aid 30 in 2014 and now Band Aid 40, shaping how the world sees and engages with Africa, and no doubt influencing investment, collaboration and policy decisions. The lyrics have been edited in response to critics calling the song demeaning and rife with colonial tropes, but it remains a self-congratulatory and tone-deaf exercise. A majority of Ethiopians are Christians; the country adopted Christianity as early as the 4th century AD. Ethiopians knew it was Christmas in the winter of 1984, and they know it now — despite the song’s patronizing question. And Ethiopia continues to be misrepresented in the Western imagination. Far from being a helpless land, it is the cradle of human civilization with a legacy as a leader in Africa’s fight against colonialism. Although the country in 2024 is no utopia — its challenges are real — it has survived a century of external interference and internal struggles. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed responded succinctly to the 2024 Band Aid remix: “A good cause that has not evolved with the times might end up doing more harm than good.” Elias Wondimu divides his time between Ethiopia and Los Angeles. He is the founding director of Tshehai Publishers, the editorial director of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies and a senior fellow with the International Strategic Studies Association.

NoneJimmy Carter, the United States’ longest-lived president, was never afraid of speaking his mind. Forthright and fearless, the Nobel Prize winner took pot-shots at former prime minister Tony Blair and ex-US president George W Bush among others. His death came after repeated bouts of illness in which images of the increasingly frail former president failed to erase memories of his fierce spirit. Democrat James Earl “Jimmy” Carter Jr swept to power in 1977 with his Trust Me campaign helping to beat Republican president Gerald Ford. Serving as 39th US president from 1977 to 1981, he sought to make government “competent and compassionate” but was ousted by the unstoppable Hollywood appeal of a certain Ronald Reagan. A skilled sportsman, Mr Carter left his home of Plains, Georgia, to join the US Navy, returning later to run his family’s peanut business. A stint in the Georgia senate lit the touchpaper on his political career and he rose to the top of the Democratic movement. But he will also be remembered for a bizarre encounter with a deeply disgruntled opponent. The president was enjoying a relaxing fishing trip near his home town in 1979 when his craft was attacked by a furious swamp rabbit which reportedly swam up to the boat hissing wildly. The press had a field day, with one paper bearing the headline President Attacked By Rabbit. Away from encounters with belligerent bunnies, Mr Carter’s willingness to address politically uncomfortable topics did not diminish with age. He recently said that he would be willing to travel to North Korea for peace talks on behalf of US President Donald Trump. He also famously mounted a ferocious and personal attack on Tony Blair over the Iraq war, weeks before the prime minister left office in June 2007. Mr Carter, who had already denounced George W Bush’s presidency as “the worst in history”, used an interview on BBC radio to condemn Mr Blair for his tight relations with Mr Bush, particularly concerning the Iraq War. Asked how he would characterise Mr Blair’s relationship with Mr Bush, Mr Carter replied: “Abominable. Loyal, blind, apparently subservient. “I think that the almost undeviating support by Great Britain for the ill-advised policies of President Bush in Iraq have been a major tragedy for the world.” Mr Carter was also voluble over the Rhodesia crisis, which was about to end during his presidency. His support for Robert Mugabe at the time generated widespread criticism. He was said to have ignored the warnings of many prominent Zimbabweans, black and white, about what sort of leader Mugabe would be. This was seen by Mr Carter’s critics as “deserving a prominent place among the outrages of the Carter years”. Mr Carter has since said he and his administration had spent more effort and worry on Rhodesia than on the Middle East. He admitted he had supported two revolutionaries in Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo, and with hindsight said later that Mugabe had been “a good leader gone bad”, having at first been “a very enlightened president”. One US commentator wrote: “History will not look kindly on those in the West who insisted on bringing the avowed Marxist Mugabe into the government. “In particular, the Jimmy Carter foreign policy... bears some responsibility for the fate of a small African country with scant connection to American national interests.” In recent years Mr Carter developed a reputation as an international peace negotiator. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for his commitment to finding peaceful solutions to international conflicts, his work with human rights and democracy initiatives, and his promotion of economic and social programmes. Mr Carter was dispatched to North Korea in August 2008 to secure the release of US citizen Aijalon Mahli Gomes, who had been sentenced to eight years of hard labour after being found guilty of illegally entering North Korea. He successfully secured the release of Mr Gomes. In 2010 he returned to the White House to greet President Barack Obama and discuss international affairs amid rising tensions on the Korean peninsula. Proving politics runs in the family, in 2013 his grandson Jason, a state senator, announced his bid to become governor in Georgia, where his famous grandfather governed before becoming president. He eventually lost to incumbent Republican Nathan Deal. Fears that Mr Carter’s health was deteriorating were sparked in 2015 when he cut short an election observation visit in Guyana because he was “not feeling well”. It would have been Mr Carter’s 39th trip to personally observe an international election. Three months later, on August 12, he revealed he had cancer which had been diagnosed after he underwent surgery to remove a small mass in his liver. Mr Obama was among the well-wishers hoping for Mr Carter’s full recovery after it was confirmed the cancer had spread widely. Melanoma had been found in his brain and liver, and Mr Carter underwent immunotherapy and radiation therapy, before announcing in March the following year that he no longer needed any treatment. In 2017, Mr Carter was taken to hospital as a precaution, after he became dehydrated at a home-building project in Canada. He was admitted to hospital on multiple occasions in 2019 having had a series of falls, suffering a brain bleed and a broken pelvis, as well as a stint to be treated for a urinary tract infection. Mr Carter spent much of the coronavirus pandemic largely at his home in Georgia, and did not attend Joe Biden’s presidential inauguration in 2021, but extended his “best wishes”. Former first lady Rosalynn Carter, the closest adviser to Mr Carter during his term as US president, died in November 2023. She had been living with dementia and suffering many months of declining health. “Rosalynn was my equal partner in everything I ever accomplished,” Mr Carter said in a statement following her death. “She gave me wise guidance and encouragement when I needed it. As long as Rosalynn was in the world, I always knew somebody loved and supported me.”By MICHAEL R. SISAK and JENNIFER PELTZ NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump’s lawyers urged a judge again Friday to throw out his hush money conviction, balking at the prosecution’s suggestion of preserving the verdict by treating the case the way some courts do when a defendant dies. They called the idea “absurd.” Related Articles National Politics | Trump wants to turn the clock on daylight saving time National Politics | Ruling by a conservative Supreme Court could help blue states resist Trump policies National Politics | A nonprofit leader, a social worker: Here are the stories of the people on Biden’s clemency list National Politics | Nancy Pelosi hospitalized after she ‘sustained an injury’ on official trip to Luxembourg National Politics | Veteran Daniel Penny, acquitted in NYC subway chokehold, will join Trump’s suite at football game The Manhattan district attorney’s office is asking Judge Juan M. Merchan to “pretend as if one of the assassination attempts against President Trump had been successful,” Trump’s lawyers wrote in a blistering 23-page response. In court papers made public Tuesday, District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s office proposed an array of options for keeping the historic conviction on the books after Trump’s lawyers filed paperwork earlier this month asking for the case to be dismissed. They include freezing the case until Trump leaves office in 2029, agreeing that any future sentence won’t include jail time, or closing the case by noting he was convicted but that he wasn’t sentenced and his appeal wasn’t resolved because of presidential immunity. Trump lawyers Todd Blanche and Emil Bove reiterated Friday their position that the only acceptable option is overturning his conviction and dismissing his indictment, writing that anything less will interfere with the transition process and his ability to lead the country. The Manhattan district attorney’s office declined comment. It’s unclear how soon Merchan will decide. He could grant Trump’s request for dismissal, go with one of the prosecution’s suggestions, wait until a federal appeals court rules on Trump’s parallel effort to get the case moved out of state court, or choose some other option. In their response Friday, Blanche and Bove ripped each of the prosecution’s suggestions. Halting the case until Trump leaves office would force the incoming president to govern while facing the “ongoing threat” that he’ll be sentenced to imprisonment, fines or other punishment as soon as his term ends, Blanche and Bove wrote. Trump, a Republican, takes office Jan. 20. “To be clear, President Trump will never deviate from the public interest in response to these thuggish tactics,” the defense lawyers wrote. “However, the threat itself is unconstitutional.” The prosecution’s suggestion that Merchan could mitigate those concerns by promising not to sentence Trump to jail time on presidential immunity grounds is also a non-starter, Blanche and Bove wrote. The immunity statute requires dropping the case, not merely limiting sentencing options, they argued. Blanche and Bove, both of whom Trump has tabbed for high-ranking Justice Department positions, expressed outrage at the prosecution’s novel suggestion that Merchan borrow from Alabama and other states and treat the case as if Trump had died. Blanche and Bove accused prosecutors of ignoring New York precedent and attempting to “fabricate” a solution “based on an extremely troubling and irresponsible analogy between President Trump” who survived assassination attempts in Pennsylvania in July and Florida in September “and a hypothetical dead defendant.” Such an option normally comes into play when a defendant dies after being convicted but before appeals are exhausted. It is unclear whether it is viable under New York law, but prosecutors suggested that Merchan could innovate in what’s already a unique case. “This remedy would prevent defendant from being burdened during his presidency by an ongoing criminal proceeding,” prosecutors wrote in their filing this week. But at the same time, it wouldn’t “precipitously discard” the “meaningful fact that defendant was indicted and found guilty by a jury of his peers.” Prosecutors acknowledged that “presidential immunity requires accommodation” during Trump’s impending return to the White House but argued that his election to a second term should not upend the jury’s verdict, which came when he was out of office. Longstanding Justice Department policy says sitting presidents cannot face criminal prosecution . Other world leaders don’t enjoy the same protection. For example, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is on trial on corruption charges even as he leads that nation’s wars in Lebanon and Gaza . Trump has been fighting for months to reverse his May 30 conviction on 34 counts of falsifying business records . Prosecutors said he fudged the documents to conceal a $130,000 payment to porn actor Stormy Daniels to suppress her claim that they had sex a decade earlier, which Trump denies. In their filing Friday, Trump’s lawyers citing a social media post in which Sen. John Fetterman used profane language to criticize Trump’s hush money prosecution. The Pennsylvania Democrat suggested that Trump deserved a pardon, comparing his case to that of President Joe Biden’s pardoned son Hunter Biden, who had been convicted of tax and gun charges . “Weaponizing the judiciary for blatant, partisan gain diminishes the collective faith in our institutions and sows further division,” Fetterman wrote Wednesday on Truth Social. Trump’s hush money conviction was in state court, meaning a presidential pardon — issued by Biden or himself when he takes office — would not apply to the case. Presidential pardons only apply to federal crimes. Since the election, special counsel Jack Smith has ended his two federal cases , which pertained to Trump’s efforts to overturn his 2020 election loss and allegations that he hoarded classified documents at his Mar-a-Lago estate. A separate state election interference case in Fulton County, Georgia, is largely on hold. Trump denies wrongdoing in all. Trump had been scheduled for sentencing in the hush money case in late November. But following Trump’s Nov. 5 election victory, Merchan halted proceedings and indefinitely postponed the former and future president’s sentencing so the defense and prosecution could weigh in on the future of the case. Merchan also delayed a decision on Trump’s prior bid to dismiss the case on immunity grounds. A dismissal would erase Trump’s conviction, sparing him the cloud of a criminal record and possible prison sentence. Trump is the first former president to be convicted of a crime and the first convicted criminal to be elected to the office.

AI platform accelerating approval procedures for hydrogen projects Hydrogen centre Hamburg developing a digital infrastructure for planning and approval The Ministry of Urban Development and Housing is working on an AI-supported platform to speed up and set up a nationwide hydrogen network. Funded by the German government’s Climate and Transformation Fund, the platform is among the top and is due to be launched in . The “ “(HH-WIN) will be integrated into this hydrogen network. AI platform model for Germany , State Councillor, said : The AI platform will map all the approval procedures relating to the digitally and simplify procedures. This should accelerate its development nationwide. The platform will be continuously developed to cover other and administrative procedures. New impetus from Hamburg The developments in Hamburg shows how innovative can advance hydrogen infrastructure. The overall goal is to create an ecosystem that fosters co-operation between local, state and federal authorities. Parliamentary State Secretary in the German Ministry of Economics and Technology, said: In addition to digitalisation, the city is also focusing on building the and will extend the hydrogen pipelines in the Port of Hamburg to 60 kilometres by 2032. the latest news shaping the hydrogen market at AI platform accelerating approval procedures for hydrogen projects, Germany Scraps €350 Million in Subsidies for Hydrogen Projects (Bloomberg) — Germany abandoned plans to funnel €350 million ($368 million) into hydrogen projects, putting clean-fuel goals even further from reach. The... EUROPE – TECO 2030, hydrogen fuel-cell manufacturer, files for bankruptcy amid funding challenges Norwegian maritime clean tech company TECO 2030 ASA has announced that its board of directors has unanimously... Neuman & Esser Expands Hydrogen Generator Plant In Brazil Neuman & Esser has expanded its hydrogen generator plant in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil. The new plant, four times larger than the current one...Vanquishing Bears, Thanksgiving losing streak tops Lions' holiday list

WARSAW, Ind. , Nov. 25, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Zimmer Biomet Holdings, Inc. (NYSE and SIX: ZBH), a global medical technology leader, today announced U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Premarket Approval Application (PMA) Supplement approval for the Oxford ® Cementless Partial Knee. The approval is based on safety and effectiveness data from an Investigational Device Exemption (IDE) study and non-clinical testing for cementless partial knee replacement (PKR). 1 The Oxford Cementless Partial Knee allows surgeons to perform a PKR with improved fixation, 2 better long-term implant survival rate 2,3 and improved efficiency in the operating room 4 (OR) compared to the Oxford Cemented Partial Knee procedure. Following more than 20 years of clinical experience and over 300,000 procedures across Canada , Europe , Middle East , Africa , and Asia , 5 the Oxford Cementless Partial Knee is now the only FDA-approved cementless partial knee implant in the U.S. "Cementless knee replacement procedures are increasingly preferred by surgeons seeking to improve surgical efficiency. The Oxford Cementless Partial Knee is coming into the U.S. with a proven track record of retaining more healthy anatomy with a less invasive approach and improved outcomes 6 as compared to a total knee replacement," said Joe Urban , President, Knees at Zimmer Biomet. "We are excited to address the unmet U.S. demand for a cementless partial knee with a new offering which has 20 years of clinical experience in more than 50 countries. 5 " Compared to traditional partial knee replacements that use bone cement to secure the implant in place, a cementless approach allows patients' natural bone growth to secure the implant for better long-term fixation. 2 The Oxford Cementless Partial Knee features a mobile bearing that can move with the femoral component throughout the entire range of motion to mimic natural knee movement. This design provides better range of motion, a more natural feel and a more stable implant-to-bone fixation for improved long-term implant survival. 2,3 The system's tibial and femoral components have a titanium and hydroxyapatite coating to promote bone growth into the implant 7 . The UK national joint registry has more than 33,000 patients treated with Oxford Cementless Partial Knees recorded with a 94.1% rate of implant survival at 10 years after surgery, 3 which is higher than the average 10-year survivorship for all other partial knees (89.9%). 3 Enthusiasm and usage of partial knee replacement continues to grow around the world as published research continues to demonstrate that PKR in appropriate cases provides improved patient outcomes compared to TKR. 6 "For younger and more active patients, the Oxford Cementless Partial Knee amplifies the benefits of a traditional partial knee replacement by offering knee flexion that resembles natural knee movement, and stronger adhesion of the implant to the bone for better long-term durability," said Adolph V. Lombardi Jr. , MD, FACS, President of JIS Orthopedics in New Albany, Ohio . "In my own practice, a cementless approach has increased OR efficiency by shortening my surgery time and reducing costs associated with cement preparation." Since its initial launch in England in 2004, the Oxford Cementless Partial Knee has become the preferred partial knee implant for Zimmer Biomet's European customers. 5 As part of the U.S. nationwide launch in Q1 2025, Zimmer Biomet will provide FDA-required training, focusing on the cementless surgical technique and proper patient selection. For patients in the U.S., the Oxford Partial Knee is the only implant with a lifetime limited warranty that covers the cost of Zimmer Biomet replacement implants.* Important Safety Information: The Cementless Oxford Partial Knee System is intended for use in unilateral knee procedures with osteoarthritis or avascular necrosis limited to the medial compartment of the knee. It is intended to be implanted without the application of cement for patients whose clinical condition would benefit from a shorter surgical time compared to the cemented implant. The Oxford Partial Knee is not indicated for use in the lateral compartment or for patients with ligament deficiency, or for use in simultaneous bilateral surgery or planned staged bilateral procedures. Potential risks include, but are not limited to, loosening, dislocation, fracture, wear and infection, any of which can require additional surgery. For a full list of product indications, contraindications and warnings, as well as further information on product IDE data, please see the associated product Information for Use (IFU) and Surgical Technique available at https://labeling.zimmerbiomet.com/ For more information about the Oxford Cementless Partial Knee, visit www.zimmerbiomet.com/oxfordcementless . About Zimmer Biomet Zimmer Biomet is a global medical technology leader with a comprehensive portfolio designed to maximize mobility and improve health. We seamlessly transform the patient experience through our innovative products and suite of integrated digital and robotic technologies that leverage data, data analytics and artificial intelligence. With 90+ years of trusted leadership and proven expertise, Zimmer Biomet is positioned to deliver the highest quality solutions to patients and providers. Our legacy continues to come to life today through our progressive culture of evolution and innovation. For more information about our product portfolio, our operations in 25+ countries and sales in 100+ countries or about joining our team, visit www.zimmerbiomet.com or follow on LinkedIn at www.linkedin.com/company/zimmerbiomet or X / Twitter at www.twitter.com/zimmerbiomet . Cautionary Statement Regarding Forward-Looking Statements This news release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of the safe harbor provisions of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. Forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, statements concerning Zimmer Biomet's expectations, plans, prospects, and product and service offerings, including new product launches and potential clinical successes. Such statements are based upon the current beliefs and expectations of management and are subject to significant risks, uncertainties and changes in circumstances that could cause actual outcomes and results to differ materially. For a list and description of some of such risks and uncertainties, see Zimmer Biomet's periodic reports filed with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). These factors should not be construed as exhaustive and should be read in conjunction with the other cautionary statements that are included in Zimmer Biomet's filings with the SEC. Forward-looking statements speak only as of the date they are made, and Zimmer Biomet disclaims any intention or obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise. Readers of this news release are cautioned not to rely on these forward-looking statements, since there can be no assurance that these forward-looking statements will prove to be accurate. This cautionary statement is applicable to all forward-looking statements contained in this news release. *Subject to terms and conditions set forth within the written warranty References: Media Heather Zoumas-Lubeski 445-248-0577 heather.zoumaslubeski@zimmerbiomet.com Kirsten Fallon 781-779-5561 kirsten.fallon@zimmerbiomet.com Investors David DeMartino 646-531-6115 david.demartino@zimmerbiomet.com Zach Weiner 908-591-6955 Zach.weiner@zimmerbiomet.com View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/zimmer-biomet-receives-fda-approval-for-oxford-cementless-partial-knee-only-cementless-partial-knee-replacement-implant-in-the-us-302315755.html SOURCE Zimmer Biomet Holdings, Inc.None