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In the final days before Romania’s parliamentary elections this weekend, the governing parties’ leaders both quit, pollsters gave up on projecting the results and the nation’s top court cast serious doubt on the integrity of the voting process. And the stakes couldn’t be higher. Sunday’s parliamentary contest pits the pro-European establishment against far-right insurgents and will help to determine whether a critical NATO member and Ukrainian ally lurches closer to Moscow. It takes place in an atmosphere of scarcely believable chaos and confusion. Romania is in the middle of three consecutive weekend ballots for both a new parliament and a new president. Events spun off the rails in the first round of the presidential election on Nov. 24, when a Russia sympathizer with barely any public profile emerged as the shock winner. Calin Georgescu reported zero spending on a campaign that was mainly driven by social media videos on TikTok recorded from his living room. His victory sparked fears that Romania’s democratic process had been hacked by the Kremlin. In the country’s biggest political crisis since the communist regime collapsed over three decades ago, the constitutional court has ordered a recount of the presidential ballots, but it won’t have the fresh results until Sunday night and there is mounting speculation that it may order a rerun. As voters prepare to return to the polls on Sunday, there are major questions hanging over the process that they simply do not have answers to. The prospect of a far-right surge has sent hundreds to take the streets in freezing temperatures. In Bucharest, demonstrators chanted “We want freedom, not fascism.” For all the concerns about Russian interference, there’s also deep frustration, especially outside the major cities, with the mainstream candidates who were ejected in the first presidential ballot. Romania’s two most established parties, the Social Democrats and the Liberals, have governed in coalition for the past three years and the country has suffered rising inequality and rampant inflation. The vote puts 19 million Romanians at the heart of the struggle between the democratic institutions of the European Union and Russia’s expansionary ambitions. To the north, Romania borders Ukraine, where the Russian army has been fighting for almost three years to restore what President Vladimir Putin says is his country’s historic territorial rights. To the east is Moldova, where a pro-Western president survived another election earlier this month amid widespread reports of Kremlin interference. Putin’s ally Viktor Orban governs Hungary to the west. Romania, too, an EU member, could soon have a pro-Russian president and a far-right government, if the next two weeks of voting break in their favor. Many Romanians only began to learn after the vote about 62-year-old Georgescu, the agricultural engineer who languished in the single digits in polls just weeks before the election. A one-time ally of ultranationalist Alliance for the Unity of Romanians, Georgescu has denounced military support for Ukraine, called for a quick end to the war and cast doubt on the benefits of the country’s NATO membership. “I do not want to leave NATO, I do not want to leave the European Union,” he said on Tuesday, pushing back against his characterization by the local media. “I am a Romanian — I have no connection with Russia, I’m not a legionnaire, I’m not an antisemite.” Some of the comments collide with previous statements, in which he laid blame for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine with NATO — and raised the prospect of leaving the military alliance if it didn’t guarantee peace. In 2020, Georgescu praised Putin as one of the worlds few true leaders. The alarm deepened after Georgescu said he had no campaign funding — and that supporter financing had been donated. The claim raised hackles from critics who pointed out that the candidate’s high-resolution videos, including some with sweeping landscape shots — featuring him on horseback, performing judo moves, dipping into a mountain lake — could only have been produced by professionals. An investigation by local news website G4media suggested the effort was artificially amplified by foreign interference. Georgescu’s profile was heavily promoted by a volunteers who were prompted to spread posts in exchange for “undisclosed rewards,” the website reported. A similar scheme took place during the vote in Moldova. Romania’s Supreme Defense Council, which includes top government and intelligence officials, issued a statement Thursday saying that one candidate — it didn’t name Georgescu — benefited from “massive exposure and preferential treatment.” The panel cited Russian influence operations that aimed to shift public opinion in Romania — and accused TikTok of failing to label the candidate’s videos as election material as required by Romanian law. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, who has frequently misled the media over previous disinformation campaigns, said Friday that allegations of Russian interference in Romanian elections are unfounded and unsupported, according to the Interfax news agency. TikTok said it was “categorically false” to claim that it treated Georgescu’s account differently from other candidates. Adding to the sense of a country spinning out of control, Social Democrat Prime Minister Marcel Ciolacu resigned his party’s leadership while his coalition partners, the Liberals, ousted their leader. After pollsters completely missed Georgescu’s victory last week, they’ve opted not to release any further surveys, so voters, candidates and officials are all essentially flying blind ahead of Sunday’s vote. Before the voluntary polling blackout, the ultranationalists tied to another candidate George Simion, had been making steady gains and were running second place behind the Social Democrats. Now though, no one is really sure where they stand. “The situation is very fluid,” said Remus Stefureac, the director of research firm INSCOP. He predicted that Romania’s pro-European would still get between 50% and 60%, enabling them to form a government, but without much conviction. “In a background of increased social tensions, a sovereign movement can get a temporary boost,” he said. ——— (With assistance from Slav Okov and Demetrios Pogkas.) ©2024 Bloomberg L.P. Visit bloomberg.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.Guardiola takes his struggling side to Liverpool on Sunday. Pep Guardiola has pledged to step aside if he fails to turn around Manchester City’s poor run of form. The City boss is enduring the worst run of his glittering managerial career after a six-game winless streak featuring five successive defeats and a calamitous 3-3 draw in a match his side had led 3-0. The 53-year-old, who has won 18 trophies since taking charge at the Etihad Stadium in 2016, signed a contract extension through to the summer of 2027 just over a week ago. Yet, despite his remarkable successes, he still considers himself vulnerable to the sack and has pleaded with the club to keep faith. “I don’t want to stay in the place if I feel like I’m a problem,” said the Spaniard, who watched in obvious frustration as City conceded three times in the last 15 minutes in a dramatic capitulation against Feyenoord in midweek. “I don’t want to stay here just because the contract is there. “My chairman knows it. I said to him, ‘Give me the chance to try come back’, and especially when everybody comes back (from injury) and see what happens. “After, if I’m not able to do it, we have to change because, of course, (the past) nine years are dead. “More than ever I ask to my hierarchy, give me the chance. “Will it be easy for me now? No. I have the feeling that still I have a job to do and I want to do it.” City have been hampered by a raft of injuries this term, most pertinently to midfield talisman and Ballon d’Or winner Rodri. The Euro 2024 winner is expected to miss the remainder of the season and his absence has been keenly felt over the past two months. Playmaker Kevin De Bruyne has also not started a match since September. The pressure continues to build with champions City facing a crucial trip to title rivals and Premier League leaders Liverpool on Sunday. Defeat would leave City trailing Arne Slot’s side by 11 points. “I don’t enjoy it at all, I don’t like it,” said Guardiola of his side’s current situation. “I sleep not as good as I slept when I won every game. “The sound, the smell, the perfume is not good enough right now. “But I’m the same person who won the four Premier Leagues in a row. I was happier because I ate better, lived better, but I was not thinking differently from who I am.” Guardiola is confident his side will not stop battling as they bid to get back on track. He said: “The people say, ‘Yeah, it’s the end of that’. Maybe, but we are in November. We will see what happens until the end. “What can you do? Cry for that? You don’t stay long – many, many years without fighting. That is what you try to look for, this is the best (way). “Why should we not believe? Why should it not happen with us?”
Messi, often hailed as one of the greatest footballers of all time, has once again proven his worth with stellar performances that have propelled Argentina to victory. His vision, agility, and goal-scoring prowess have been on full display, as he consistently outmaneuvers defenders and delivers precision passes to his teammates. Alongside him, Lo Celso has emerged as a rising star, dazzling fans with his close control, creativity, and eye for goal. Together, these two midfield maestros have been instrumental in Argentina's recent success, leading the team to impressive wins and setting the stage for a potential championship run.Oxford police respond to 8,500 reports in 2024 Published 1:57 pm Thursday, December 26, 2024 By Alyssa Schnugg The Oxford Police Department achieved significant milestones in 2024, marking a year of exceptional growth and advancements. By Dec. 20, the department had processed over 8,500 reports and handled more than 104,000 radio calls through its dispatch team. The Victim Services Unit provided support to over 600 individuals and families, while officers participated in nearly 240 community events. The Investigative Unit successfully resolved more than 350 cases, and the Patrol Division recorded over 500 DUI arrests. In 2024, the department implemented cutting-edge technology to enhance operations and streamline training. A notable advancement was the expansion of the Axon contract, enabling the acquisition of a virtual reality training system. This innovative platform allowed officers to practice critical skills, including de-escalation techniques, mental health response, and engaging with individuals with autism, setting a new standard for police training. Additionally, the department neared the completion of its transition to a new, state-of-the-art police facility designed to house the entire department under one roof. In 2021, the Oxford Board of Aldermen approved a plan to turn the former Oxford Enterprise Center on Industrial Park Drive into a new police headquarters to help accommodate the rapid growth of the department in recent years. The new 40,000-square foot building will include advanced technology and specialized spaces, such as a family services room providing a safe environment for children to play and watch movies while families access resources. “Although 2024 was a remarkable year of growth, the department looks forward to an even brighter future,” said OPD Chief Jeff McCutchen.
T here is a famous dialogue from the Hindi film 3 Idiots : “ Dekho hum kahan nikal aaye aur tum kahan reh gaye ” (See where we have reached and where you are left).” The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) cohorts could be saying this to the Communists in India. The RSS will complete 100 years in 2025. The Communist movement in India is also a century old. The Left produced some of the most valiant fighters during the independence movement even as the Right was cosying up to the British empire. It is no secret that a large share of prisoners in Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands were Communists. Despite such a glorious past, the reality is that the Indian Left is now in a labyrinth. Today, the Right clearly dominates Parliament: the BJP alone occupies 240 Lok Sabha seats. The Left parties combined occupy just eight seats. Compare this to the first general elections in independent India in 1951-1952 when the Congress was in power and the Communist Party of India (CPI) was the principal opposition party. At present, the Right is also far ahead in terms of organisational strength and structure. The total membership of the Left parties (those who contest elections) is not more than 2 million and the mass organisations that they represent number around 30 million. The RSS alone has a membership of over 7 million, and the BJP has a membership of more than 100 million. The trajectory of the Left and Right The rise and fall of these political entities depends on various historical episodes, the foremost being changes in the social production system. The initial years of development after the 1950s saw the establishment of industrial towns and the emergence of a strong Left-leaning working class. Major cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, and Kolkata witnessed a robust presence of the Left, which was reflected in their political strength. However, the capitalist production system underwent significant changes after the mid-1980s. The rise of fragmented production, a diminishing organised working class, and the corresponding growth of informal sector workers pushed the Left out of the political scene. Meanwhile, the Right maintained its presence through cultural interventions — a space largely neglected by the Left. Informal sector workers became fertile ground for identity politics based on caste and religion. Consequently, there has been a parallel rise of the Right and the decline of the Left in Indian cities. Another critical factor was the strong presence of the Left in rural India, driven by the ‘land reforms’ slogan and related movements. These were influential across the country for a long time. However, over the past few decades, newer classes within the peasantry have emerged and many of them have shifted towards the Right. Beyond land reforms, the Left struggled to build sustainable layers of governance, except in West Bengal, Tripura, and Kerala. It remained overly preoccupied with the imminence of a revolution and the idea of capturing state power. It sidelined all other essential matters. And the revolution never materialised. The national question is crucial for both the Left and the Right, though their approaches differ. For the Left, it involves uniting all democratic sections of society against external enemies, particularly imperialism. This was evident during the colonial period. However, in independent India, the narrative of a foreign enemy could not be sustained as strongly due to obvious reasons. In contrast, for the Right, the national question is less about unity among the people and more about promoting the narrative of ‘Hindu nationalism’ against perceived ‘others’. During the independence movement, this narrative did not gain much traction, as Indian nationalism against British rule was able to mobilise larger sections of society. Over the last few decades, however, this second form of ‘nationalism’ has increasingly dominated the narrative and has become more and more pronounced with time. Another major element relates to the idea of modernism and the role of the Constitution. Undoubtedly, the Constitution is rooted in the finest modernist values of equity, secularism, socialism, and more. However, the nation-state remained influenced by feudal and semi-feudal values, which continue to shape its character. Unlike in the West where modernism evolved out of the defeat or destruction of class feudalism, which was preceded by the Renaissance, religious reformation and enlightenment, in India no worthwhile renaissance could take place. The religious reformation that took place in some parts of the country could not disintegrate the caste system which affected all Indian religions, and the Brahmanical enlightenment could not produce a new anti-caste equalitarian philosophy. India has a peculiar situation now, where the Constitution is far ahead of the polity and human values, which are still evolving. This gives fertile ground for the Right to make advances on both post-truth narratives and campaigns on religious and identity issues. Leadership and organisational strategies Jyoti Basu, former Chief Minister of West Bengal, once spoke of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)’s “historic blunder”. He was referring to the party’s decision not to allow him to be the Prime Minister after the 1996 Lok Sabha polls threw up a hung Parliament. His remark warrants deeper reflection. The Left is still fixated on the revolution and is reluctant to embrace the multi-layered demands of electoral politics. If the Left is unwilling to take full responsibility, why should people trust them with their votes? This disconnect is evident in Kerala, where voters support the Left in Assembly elections but turn to other parties in general elections. On the other hand, the Right maximises every electoral success to further its agenda. In every national and Assembly election over the last 10 years, it has been clear that the Right tries to ensure that no opportunity is left unutilised. This divergence also highlights the contrasting leadership styles of the Left and Right. The generation of Left leaders who built mass movements and endured state repression is nearly gone. Leaders such as H.K.S. Surjeet, who spent over a decade in jail, represent a fading legacy. Today’s Left leadership often emerges from educational institutions — a natural progression — but lacks the experience of building movements on the ground. In China, the Communist Party believes in building cultural consciousness. Even Xi Jinping was sent to work in the farmland for years away from his university. But this is not the case in India. On the other hand, leaders of the Right spend time with their cadre and help build leadership. Before he became Prime Minister, when Narendra Modi was in charge of States, he would constantly spend time with the cadre and even stay in their homes. Globally, the pendulum of social and political ideologies has swung to the extreme Right and India is no exception. The question is: when will it swing back, and what will catalyse that shift? Tikender Singh Panwar, Former Deputy Mayor, Shimla, and Member, Kerala Urban Commission. He served as political secretary of Sitaram Yechury Published - December 27, 2024 02:32 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit political parties / Communist Party of India / Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist Liberation
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