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Vikings right guard Dalton Risner says he’ll continue to get better at new position
Michigan upsets No. 2 Ohio State 13-10 for Wolverines' 4th straight win over bitter rivalTwo taken to hospital after house wrecked by explosion and fireKolkata: Trinamool Congress has witnessed an average 14 per cent positive vote swing in its favour in the bypolls. The maximum positive swing in vote share in favour of the ruling party at Sitai in Cooch Behar district is at 26.66 per cent. In Sitai, Trinamool Congress candidate Sangita Roy won by a massive margin of 1,30,156 votes, defeating her nearest rival, BJP’s Dipak Kumar Roy. Roy’s winning margin far surpassed that of the victory margin of her husband and the erstwhile Trinamool legislator, Jagadish Chandra Barma Basunia, in the 2021 Assembly elections who had won by just 10,112 votes. In the bypolls Roy secured 76.08 per cent of the total votes polled up again from 49.92 per cent secured by her husband in 2021. The second highest positive vote swing in favour of Trinamool Congress in the latest bypolls was from Haroa in North 24 Parganas district at 19.29 per cent over what it was in the 2021 state assembly polls. Trinamool candidate Seikh Rabiul Islam won by the biggest margin in this round of bypolls, defeating his closest contestant and Left Front-supported All India Secular Front (AISF) candidate Piyarul Islam by a margin of 1,31,388 votes. In 2021 Rabiul’s father Haji Nurul Islam got elected by a margin of 80,978 votes. In the bypolls Rabiul secured 76.63 per cent of the total votes polled up again from 57.34 per cent secured by his father in 2021. The third highest positive vote swing for Trinamool Congress in the bypolls is from Madarihat in Alipurduar district at 17.49 per cent. There the ruling party candidate Jayprakash Toppo defeated his nearby BJP candidate Rahul Lohar by a margin of 28,168 votes, In the 2021 assembly elections, the erstwhile BJP candidate Maoj Tigga got elected by a margin of 29,685 votes defeating Trinamool Congress’s Rajesh Lakra. Tigga was elected from Madarihat in the two successive Assembly elections in 2016 and 2021. In fact, this is the first-ever victory of Trinamool Congress from Madarihat. In the bypolls Toppo secured 54.05 per cent of the total votes polled up again from 36.56 per cent by Lakra in 2021. In the Naihati assembly constituency in North 24 Parganas district where Trinamool Congress witnessed a positive vote swing by 12 per cent from what it was in the 2021 state Assembly polls. In the bypolls, Trinamool candidate Sanat Dey won from the Naihati Assembly constituency in North 24 Parganas district, defeating his nearest contest Rupak Mitra of the BJP, by a margin of 49,277 votes up from the winning margin of erstwhile party candidate Partha Bhowmik of 18,885 in 2021. In the bypolls, Dey’s share of total votes polled stands at 62.97 per cent up against Bhowmik’s 50 per cent in 2021. In the Bankura district, where the positive vote swing in favour of Trinamool Congress had been comparatively lower at 5.98 per cent. Trinamool candidate Falguni Singhababu won by a margin of 33,856 votes over his nearest contestant and BJP candidate Ananya Roy Chakraborty, up from the victor margin of 34,082 of the erstwhile party legislator Arup Chakraborty in 2021. In the bypolls, Singhababu’s share of total votes polled stands at 62.07 per cent up again from Chakraborty’s share of 46.1 per cent in 2021. In the Medinipur Assembly constituency in West Midnapore district where the positive vote swing in favour of the ruling party in the bypolls had been just 2.72 per cent. Trinamool candidate Sujoy Hazra defeated his nearest contestant and BJP candidate Subhajit Roy by a margin of 33,996 vote up from the erstwhile party legislator June Malia’s victory margin of 24,397 votes. In the bypolls, Hazra’s share of total votes polled stands at 53.44 per cent up again from Malia’s share of 50.72 per cent in 2021.
Congress, NCP (SP) face setbacks in Saoner, Katol seats in Nagpur distBISMARCK, N.D. (AP) — Donald Trump assigned a singular mission in nominating the governor of oil-rich North Dakota to lead an agency that oversees a half-billion acres of federal land and vast areas offshore: “Drill baby drill.” That dictate from the president-elect’s announcement of Burgum for Secretary of Interior sets the stage for a reignition of the over public lands and waters that helped define Trump’s first term, with environmentalists worried about already pledging their opposition. Burgum is an ultra-wealthy software industry entrepreneur who grew up on his family’s farm. He represents a tame choice compared to other Trump Cabinet picks. Public lands experts said his experience as a popular who aligns himself with conservationist Teddy Roosevelt suggests a willingness to collaborate, as opposed to dismantling from within the agency he is tasked with leading. That could help smooth his confirmation and clear the way for the incoming administration to move quickly to open more public lands to development and commercial use. “Burgum strikes me as a credible nominee who could do a credible job as Interior secretary,” said John Leshy, who served as Interior’s solicitor under former President Bill Clinton. “He’s not a right-wing radical on public lands,” added Leshy, professor emeritus at the University of California College of the Law, San Francisco. The Interior Department manages about one-fifth of the country’s land with a mandate that spans from wildlife conservation and recreation to natural resource extraction and fulfilling treaty obligations with Native American tribes. Most of those lands are in the West, where frictions with private landowners and state officials are commonplace and have sometimes mushroomed into violent confrontations with right-wing groups that reject federal jurisdiction. Burgum if confirmed would be faced with a pending U.S. Supreme Court action from Utah that seeks to over Interior Department lands. North Dakota’s attorney general has supported the lawsuit, but Burgum’s office declined to say if he backs Utah’s claims. U.S. Justice Department attorneys on Thursday asked the Supreme Court to reject Utah’s lawsuit. They said Utah in 1894 agreed to give up its right to the lands at issue when it became a state. Trump’s narrow focus on fossil fuels is a replay from his 2016 campaign — although minus coal mining, a that he failed to revive in his first term. Trump repeatedly hailed oil as “liquid gold” on the campaign trail this year and largely omitted any mention of coal. About 26% of U.S. oil comes from federal lands and offshore waters overseen by Interior. Production continues to hit record levels under President Joe Biden despite claims by Trump that the Democrat hindered drilling. But industry representatives and their Republican allies say volumes could be further boosted. They want Burgum and the Interior Department to ramp up oil and gas sales from federal lands, in the Gulf of Mexico and offshore Alaska. The oil industry also hopes Trump’s government efficiency initiative led by billionaire Elon Musk can dramatically reduce environmental reviews. Biden’s administration reduced the frequency and size of lease sales, and it restored environmental rules that were . The Democrat as a candidate in 2020 promised further restrictions on drilling to help combat global warming, but he struck a deal for the 2022 climate bill that to be held before renewable energy leases can be sold. “Oil and gas brings billions of dollars of revenue in, but you don’t get that if you don’t have leasing,” said Erik Milito with the National Ocean Industries Association, which represents offshore industries including oil and wind. Trump has vowed to energy projects. But Milito said he was hopeful that with Burgum in place it would be “green lights ahead for everything, not just oil and gas.” It is unclear if Burgum would revive some of the most controversial steps taken at the agency during Trump’s first term, including relocating senior officials out of Washington, D.C., dismantling parts of the Endangered Species Act and shrinking the size of two national monuments in Utah designated by former President Barack Obama. Officials under Biden spent much of the past four years reversing Trump’s moves. They restored the Utah monuments and rescinded numerous Trump regulations. Onshore oil and gas lease sales plummeted — from more than a million acres sold annually under Trump and other previous administrations, to just 91,712 acres (37,115 hectares) sold last year — while many wind and solar projects advanced. Developing energy leases takes years, and oil companies control millions of acres that remain untapped. Biden’s administration also elevated the in public lands decisions, adopting a rule putting it more on par with oil and gas development. They proposed withdrawing parcels of land in six states from potential future mining to protect a struggling bird species, North Dakota is among Republican states that challenged the Biden administration’s public lands rule. The states said in a June lawsuit that officials acting to prevent climate change have turned laws meant to facilitate development into policies that obstruct drilling, livestock grazing and other uses. Oil production boomed over the past two decades in North Dakota thanks in large part to better drilling techniques. Burgum has been an industry champion and last year signed a repeal of the state’s — a price-based tax hike industry leaders removing. Burgum’s office declined an interview request. In a statement after his nomination, Burgum echoed Trump’s call for U.S. “energy dominance” in the global market. The 68-year-old governor also said the Interior post offered an opportunity to improve government relations with developers, tribes, landowners and outdoor enthusiasts “with a focus on maximizing the responsible use of our natural resources with environmental stewardship for the benefit of the American people.” Under current Interior Secretary Deb Haaland, the agency put greater emphasis on working collaboratively with tribes, including their own . Haaland, a member of the Pueblo of Laguna tribe in New Mexico, also advanced an initiative to solve criminal cases involving missing and murdered Indigenous peoples and helped lead a nationwide reckoning over that culminated in a formal public apology from Biden. Burgum has worked with tribes in his state, including on oil development. Badlands Conservation Alliance director Shannon Straight in Bismarck, North Dakota, said Burgum has also been a big supporter of tourism in North Dakota and outdoor activities such as hunting and fishing. Yet Straight said that hasn’t translated into additional protections for land in the state. “Theodore Roosevelt had a conservation ethic, and we talk and hold that up as a beautiful standard to live by,” he said. “We haven’t seen it as much on the ground. ... We need to recognize the landscape is only going to be as good as some additional protections.” Burgum has been a cheerleader of the planned in Medora, North Dakota.
Unions attack 2.8% Government pay rise proposal for NHS workers and teachers
MEMPHIS, Tenn. (AP) — States with restrictive abortion laws generally have more porous safety nets for mothers and young children, according to recent research and an analysis by The Associated Press. Tennessee is an example of how this plays out. Tennessee residents of childbearing age are more likely to live in maternal care deserts and face overall doctor shortages. Women, infants and children are less likely to be enrolled in a government nutrition program known as WIC. And Tennessee is one of only 10 states that hasn’t expanded Medicaid to a greater share of low-income families. The AP reported on how safety net programs in Tennessee and states with similarly strict abortion laws often fail families. Here are some key takeaways. The Republican supermajority in the Tennessee legislature has long rebuffed efforts to expand Medicaid to people earning up to 138% of the federal poverty level — about $35,600 for a family of three. Earlier this year, a federal judge ruled TennCare — the state’s Medicaid program — unlawfully terminated coverage for thousands of families and had a “lethargic” response to nearly 250,000 children losing coverage because of paperwork problems. Republican Gov. Bill Lee argues that his administration has enhanced services. For example, it boosted its Medicaid coverage for mothers in 2022 from 60 days postpartum to one year, which allowed an additional 3,000 moms to use the program each year. The state also raised the Medicaid income limit for parents to the poverty level — nearly $26,000 for a family of three — and began offering recipients 100 free diapers a month for babies under 2. “Pro-life is much more than defending the lives of the unborn,” Lee said in his 2023 annual address to lawmakers and echoed more recently on social media. “This is not a matter of politics. This is about human dignity.” Moms described several aid programs as rife with red tape and other challenges. Anika Chillis of Memphis was on WIC for several months after her son was born, but then went without because of a mistake during the renewal process — eventually getting it restored with help from the nonprofit Tennessee Justice Center. Taylor Cagnacci of Kingsport, who is pregnant and has a 1-year-old, said she was on the federally funded Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program — formerly known as food stamps — for a while but missed an appointment and was unclear about the steps after that. The process to get recertified was “such a headache” that she’s going without SNAP. “I just felt like it was purposely being made difficult so that I would just give up,” she said. The issues extend beyond Tennessee. Women with young children in states where abortion is banned or limited to early weeks of pregnancy said it can be tough to get social services there, according to a survey by the health policy research organization KFF. Nearly half said it’s difficult for women in their state to get food stamps, for example, compared with 3 in 10 in states where abortion is generally available. Of Tennessee’s 2.8 million households, 30% earn above the poverty level but not enough to afford the basic cost of living in their counties, according to a recent report . Often, they don’t qualify for government help. A fragmented patchwork of charities can help, but they don’t cover the entire state. Some nonprofits are hindered in helping by government agencies’ income rules. And most charities are constrained by the ebb and flow of donations. Nonprofit leaders fear that safety net gaps may grow with a new administration in Washington and a GOP-controlled Congress. Republicans could seek significant changes to federal assistance programs they’ve long criticized, like Medicaid and food stamps. “We’ve been through four years of a Trump administration, and the goal under the Trump administration was to cut social services,” said Signe Anderson, the Tennessee Justice Center’s senior director of nutrition advocacy. “I’m concerned ... for families in Tennessee and across the country.”Pep Guardiola admits Manchester City’s rivals will be laughing at their form - The Guardian
Aston Villa fails in its bid to overturn Jhon Duran’s red card at Newcastle
Iceland is experiencing a crucial electoral moment after a call for early elections, driven by ongoing political instability since the 2008 financial collapse. Prime Minister Bjarni Benediktsson disbanded his coalition following disagreements on key issues, prompting this political shake-up. Despite fierce weather conditions, polling stations remained operational with counting taking place after polls closed. This election, the sixth since the crisis, may signal a major shift, as opinion polls predict a decline in support for current governing parties. Central issues include rising inflation, immigration pressures, and housing shortages, exacerbated by a recent volcano eruption and a booming tourism sector, placing Iceland's political future in a pivotal position. (With inputs from agencies.)CELH INVESTOR ALERT: Celsius Holdings, Inc. Investors with Substantial Losses Have Opportunity to Lead Class Action Lawsuit
WEST PALM BEACH, Fla. — An online spat between factions of Donald Trump's supporters over immigration and the tech industry has thrown internal divisions in his political movement into public display, previewing the fissures and contradictory views his coalition could bring to the White House. The rift laid bare the tensions between the newest flank of Trump's movement — wealthy members of the tech world including billionaire Elon Musk and fellow entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy and their call for more highly skilled workers in their industry — and people in Trump's Make America Great Again base who championed his hardline immigration policies. The debate touched off this week when Laura Loomer , a right-wing provocateur with a history of racist and conspiratorial comments, criticized Trump’s selection of Sriram Krishnan as an adviser on artificial intelligence policy in his coming administration. Krishnan favors the ability to bring more skilled immigrants into the U.S. Loomer declared the stance to be “not America First policy” and said the tech executives who have aligned themselves with Trump were doing so to enrich themselves. Much of the debate played out on the social media network X, which Musk owns. Loomer's comments sparked a back-and-forth with venture capitalist and former PayPal executive David Sacks , whom Trump has tapped to be the “White House A.I. & Crypto Czar." Musk and Ramaswamy, whom Trump has tasked with finding ways to cut the federal government , weighed in, defending the tech industry's need to bring in foreign workers. It bloomed into a larger debate with more figures from the hard-right weighing in about the need to hire U.S. workers, whether values in American culture can produce the best engineers, free speech on the internet, the newfound influence tech figures have in Trump's world and what his political movement stands for. Trump has not yet weighed in on the rift. His presidential transition team did not respond to questions about positions on visas for highly skilled workers or the debate between his supporters online. Instead, his team instead sent a link to a post on X by longtime adviser and immigration hard-liner Stephen Miller that was a transcript of a speech Trump gave in 2020 at Mount Rushmore in which he praised figures and moments from American history. Musk, the world's richest man who has grown remarkably close to the president-elect , was a central figure in the debate, not only for his stature in Trump's movement but his stance on the tech industry's hiring of foreign workers. Technology companies say H-1B visas for skilled workers, used by software engineers and others in the tech industry, are critical for hard-to-fill positions. But critics have said they undercut U.S. citizens who could take those jobs. Some on the right have called for the program to be eliminated, not expanded. Born in South Africa, Musk was once on an a H-1B visa himself and defended the industry's need to bring in foreign workers. “There is a permanent shortage of excellent engineering talent," he said in a post. “It is the fundamental limiting factor in Silicon Valley.” Trump's own positions over the years have reflected the divide in his movement. His tough immigration policies, including his pledge for a mass deportation, were central to his winning presidential campaign. He has focused on immigrants who come into the U.S. illegally but he has also sought curbs on legal immigration , including family-based visas. As a presidential candidate in 2016, Trump called the H-1B visa program “very bad” and “unfair” for U.S. workers. After he became president, Trump in 2017 issued a “Buy American and Hire American” executive order , which directed Cabinet members to suggest changes to ensure H-1B visas were awarded to the highest-paid or most-skilled applicants to protect American workers. Trump's businesses, however, have hired foreign workers, including waiters and cooks at his Mar-a-Lago club , and his social media company behind his Truth Social app has used the the H-1B program for highly skilled workers. During his 2024 campaign for president, as he made immigration his signature issue, Trump said immigrants in the country illegally are “poisoning the blood of our country" and promised to carry out the largest deportation operation in U.S. history. But in a sharp departure from his usual alarmist message around immigration generally, Trump told a podcast this year that he wants to give automatic green cards to foreign students who graduate from U.S. colleges. “I think you should get automatically, as part of your diploma, a green card to be able to stay in this country," he told the “All-In" podcast with people from the venture capital and technology world. Those comments came on the cusp of Trump's budding alliance with tech industry figures, but he did not make the idea a regular part of his campaign message or detail any plans to pursue such changes.
Janet Yellen tells Congress US could hit debt limit in mid-January
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It's not a desirable position the Miami Dolphins find themselves in heading into their Sunday trip to face the Cleveland Browns. For the game to have playoff implications, Miami will need the Los Angeles Chargers and Denver Broncos to lose their Saturday games at New England and at Cincinnati, respectively. The Dolphins could also use an Indianapolis road defeat in the early-afternoon slot Sunday against the New York Giants so they could leapfrog the Colts in the playoff order. However, if the Dolphins (7-8) are eliminated before they take the field for their late-afternoon kickoff, coach Mike McDaniel is driving home a different message this week. "Our locker room and our coaching staff really wants to play the type of football that we felt we fell short of at portions of the season," he said. The most notable portion came after a Week 1 win over the Jacksonville Jaguars. Miami lost six of its next seven games, hampered on offense by a concussion that knocked out star quarterback Tua Tagovailoa and left its offense without much hope. Tagovailoa's return before a Week 8 loss to the Arizona Cardinals activated the attack, even though Miami lost that game and the next one. The Dolphins are 5-2 in their past seven contests, including a 29-17 home win over the San Francisco 49ers last week, when Tagovailoa threw for 215 yards and a touchdown while De'Von Achane accounted for 190 scrimmage yards. Like his coach, Tagovailoa wants to close the season strong, regardless of whether a playoff berth is at stake. "It's an opportunity and I don't think any of us on our team should take this for granted," said Tagovailoa, who was limited in practice on Thursday due to a hip injury. "How do you even know that there is going to be a next year for your career or there's going to be a next game for you? You just never know." While Miami hopes to have a chance at the playoffs, the only thing Cleveland (3-12) can do is find a rare winning feeling in a disappointing season. Expected to contend for a second straight playoff berth, the Browns instead have an outside chance to earn the No. 1 overall pick in April's NFL Draft. Cleveland is also on its third starting quarterback of the year. Second-year pro Dorian Thompson-Robinson gets the call with Jameis Winston (shoulder) ailing and Deshaun Watson (Achilles) out for the season. In a 24-6 road loss to the Cincinnati Bengals last week, Thompson-Robinson finished 20 of 34 for 166 yards while tossing two interceptions and absorbing five sacks. Thompson-Robinson, who was limited in practice on Thursday because of a quad issue, wants to do a better job avoiding those outcomes. The Dolphins' defense could help in that matter as they entered the weekend 26th in sacks (31) and tied for 22nd in interceptions (eight). "The quarterback rule that lives for a hundred years of don't throw late over the middle," Thompson-Robinson said when asked how he can avoid critical errors. "And really just trusting my legs, like I had been bragging about and talking about all last week. To be able to use it in that situation instead of trying to throw up a play." The game could be the last in Cleveland for Browns six-time Pro Bowl selection Joel Bitonio. The 33-year-old left guard, a two-time first-team All-Pro, said this week he is considering retirement, citing the toll the game takes on his body and that losing inflicts on his psyche. Miami holds a 10-9 lead in the teams' regular-season series. Four Dolphins -- tackle Terron Armstead (knee), cornerback Kendall Fuller (), safety Jordan Poyer (knee/finger) and linebacker Anthony Walker (knee) -- did not practice Thursday. Star wide receivers Tyreek Hill (wrist) and Jaylen Waddle (knee) were limited, as were receiver Dee Eskridge (knee), linebacker Jordyn Brooks (quad/knee) and fullback Alex Ingold (ankle). Tight end David Njoku (knee) and defensive end Ogbo Okoronkwo (knee) were absent from the Thursday practice for the Browns, while Winston (right shoulder), wideouts Cedric Tillman (concussion) and Jerry Jeudy (knee/shin), cornerback Martin Emerson Jr. (back) and offensive tackle Germain Ifedi (Achilles) were among those limited. --Field Level MediaPhilo delivers go-ahead TD run with 22 seconds remaining to lift Georgia Tech past N.C. State 30-29
Eagles rule out QB Jalen Hurts (concussion protocol) vs. CowboysLINCOLN — John Butler won’t need an audition as Nebraska’s defensive coordinator. According to a report from ESPN, he’s set to be the permanent replacement for Tony White, who left the school for Florida State. ESPN also reported the likely hiring of two more coaches — Phil Snow, longtime aide to coach Matt Rhule, filling an associate head coach role and Kansas City Chiefs assistant Terry Bradden taking the defensive line coach job, vacated when Terrance Knighton followed White to Florida State. Butler, named the interim DC after White departed, served this season as NU’s defensive backs coach and defensive passing game coordinator, joining the team this summer after the abrupt resignation of Evan Cooper. Previously, Butler had spent six seasons coaching defensive backs for the Buffalo Bills, who, in passing over Butler for a defensive coordinator, triggered his departure from the franchise. Now, he’s in line to get the DC job at Nebraska. “I brought him in knowing that at some point Tony was going to leave whether it was a coordinator job or a head coaching job,” Rhule said Dec. 4 of naming Butler the interim coordinator. “John has been a DC before, so right away I said ‘Here you go John, take this over and run with it.’ He’s done a great job this season with putting together game plans and passing game plans with Tony.” Rhule added a “lot of guys love John” among the assistants and the players. Late last week, Nebraska football released a social media graphic touting Butler’s experience coaching NFL players, and the accumulated contract money those NFL players had earned. Butler previously served as Penn State’s defensive coordinator in 2013 before embarking on a long career in the NFL, first with the Texans and later with the Buffalo Bills. Butler coached some of the top-performing secondaries in pro football before leaving the Bills, last offseason, when he didn’t get the DC job in Buffalo. He spent five months out of the game before the resignation of Cooper — now headed to Florida State — opened a coaching spot at Nebraska. “To say this was out of the blue would probably be an understatement from the standpoint of, the timing, where my mindset was,” Butler said Aug. 6 of taking the defensive backs assistant role. “But when the opportunity came — and it came quick — I had relationships with some people in this building, and, obviously, was very impressed with the programs Matt has built through the years.” Snow, defensive coordinator for Rhule at Temple, Baylor and the Carolina Panthers, opted not to take the DC job at Nebraska when Rhule arrived in 2022. Rhule instead hired White, who posted two top-20 scoring defenses in his two seasons. Rhule kept Snow on as an occasional consultant, and in November more fully extended Snow’s consultant role at the same time Rhule hired Dana Holgorsen as a three-game offensive coordinator. Holgorsen is now the full-time OC. Bradden spent eight years with the Chiefs, including the last four as an assistant defensive line coach. Prior to that, he spent three years as a defensive quality control coach and one year as a defensive assistant. He was a college quarterback at Howard University. On Monday, NU’s new edge rushers coach, Phil Simpson, announced his return to the school, as Rhule intends to have two coaches oversee the defensive line. While Snow, a longtime defensive coach, could oversee the secondary, NU could also hire a separate defensive backs coach as Snow consults with Rhule. The NCAA lifted its limit on countable assistant coaches, which gives Nebraska flexibility to add another coach to the defense.
WASHINGTON — A tax break for millionaires, and almost everyone else. An end to the covid-19-era government subsidies that some Americans have used to purchase health insurance. Limits to food stamps, including for women and children, and other safety net programs. Rollbacks to Biden-era green energy programs. Mass deportations. Government job cuts to “drain the swamp.” Having won the election and sweeping to power, Republicans are planning an ambitious 100-day agenda with President-elect Donald Trump in the White House and GOP lawmakers in a congressional majority to accomplish their policy goals. Atop the list is the plan to renew some $4 trillion in expiring GOP tax cuts, a signature domestic achievement of Trump’s first term and an issue that may define his return to the White House. “What we’re focused on right now is being ready, Day 1,” said House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, R-La., after meeting recently with GOP colleagues to map out the road ahead. The policies emerging will revive long-running debates about America’s priorities, its gaping income inequities and the proper size and scope of its government, especially in the face of mounting federal deficits now approaching $2 trillion a year. The discussions will test whether Trump and his Republican allies can achieve the kinds of real-world outcomes wanted, needed or supported when voters gave the party control of Congress and the White House. “The past is really prologue here,” said Lindsay Owens, executive director of the Groundwork Collaborative, recalling the 2017 tax debate. Trump’s first term became defined by those tax cuts, which were approved by Republicans in Congress and signed into law only after their initial campaign promise to “repeal and replace” Democratic President Barack Obama’s health care law sputtered, failing with the famous thumbs-down vote by then-Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz. The GOP majority in Congress quickly pivoted to tax cuts, assembling and approving the multitrillion-dollar package by year’s end. In the time since Trump signed those cuts into law, the big benefits have accrued to higher-income households. The top 1 percent — those making nearly $1 million and above — received about a $60,000 income tax cut, while those with lower incomes got as little as a few hundred dollars, according to the Tax Policy Center and other groups. Some people ended up paying about the same. “The big economic story in the U.S. is soaring income inequality,” said Owens. “And that is actually, interestingly, a tax story.” In preparation for Trump’s return, Republicans in Congress have been meeting privately for months and with the president-elect to go over proposals to extend and enhance those tax breaks, some of which would otherwise expire in 2025. That means keeping in place various tax brackets and a standardized deduction for individual earners, along with the existing rates for so-called pass-through entities such as law firms, doctors’ offices or businesses that take their earnings as individual income. Typically, the price tag for the tax cuts would be prohibitive. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that keeping the expiring provisions in place would add some $4 trillion to deficits over a decade. Adding to that, Trump wants to include his own priorities in the tax package, including lowering the corporate rate, now at 21% from the 2017 law, to 15%, and doing away with individual taxes on tips and overtime pay. But Avik Roy, president of the Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity, said blaming the tax cuts for the nation’s income inequality is “just nonsense” because tax filers up and down the income ladder benefited. He instead points to other factors, including the Federal Reserve’s historically low interest rates that enable borrowing, including for the wealthy, on the cheap. “Americans don’t care if Elon Musk is rich,” Roy said. “What they care about is, what are you doing to make their lives better?” Typically, lawmakers want the cost of a policy change to be offset by budget revenue or reductions elsewhere. But in this case, there’s almost no agreed-upon revenue raisers or spending cuts in the annual $6 trillion budget that could cover such a whopping price tag. Instead, some Republicans have argued that the tax breaks will pay for themselves, with the trickle-down revenue from potential economic growth. Trump’s tariffs floated this past week could provide another source of offsetting revenue. Some Republicans argue there’s precedent for simply extending the tax cuts without offsetting the costs because they are not new changes but existing federal policy. “If you’re just extending current law, we’re not raising taxes or lowering taxes,” said Sen. Mike Crapo, R-Idaho, the incoming chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, on Fox News. He said the criticism that tax cuts would add to the deficit is “ridiculous.” There is a difference between taxes and spending, he said, “and we just have to get that message out to America.” At the same time, the new Congress will also be considering spending reductions, particularly to food stamps and health care programs, goals long sought by conservatives as part of the annual appropriations process. One cut is almost certain to fall on the COVID-19-era subsidy that helps defray the cost of health insurance for people who buy their own policies via the Affordable Care Act exchange. The extra health care subsidies were extended through 2025 in Democratic President Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act, which also includes various green energy tax breaks that Republicans want to roll back. The House Democratic leader, Rep. Hakeem Jeffries of New York, scoffed at the Republican claim that they’ve won “some big, massive mandate” — when in fact, the House Democrats and Republicans essentially fought to a draw in the November election, with the GOP eking out a narrow majority. “This notion about some mandate to make massive, far-right extreme policy changes, it doesn’t exist — it doesn’t exist,” Jeffries said. Republicans are planning to use a budgetary process, called reconciliation, that allows majority passage in Congress, essentially along party lines, without the threat of a filibuster in the Senate that can stall out a bill’s advance unless 60 of the 100 senators agree. It’s the same process Democrats have used when they had the power in Washington to approve the Inflation Reduction Act and Obama’s health care law over GOP objections. Republicans have been here before with Trump and control of Congress, which is no guarantee they will be able to accomplish their goals, particularly in the face of resistance from Democrats. Still, House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., who has been working closely with Trump on the agenda, has promised a “breakneck” pace in the first 100 days “because we have a lot to fix.”
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