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PH, US finalize energy frameworkDALLAS — The Environmental Protection Agency has finalized a plan to clean a toxic site leaking cancer-causing chemicals under dozens of homes in Grand Prairie, Texas. Construction of the cleanup equipment is expected to begin next year, but a timeline for the abatement process is still unknown. A spokeswoman for the EPA said it’s not yet known when the cleanup will begin. Both federal and state authorities have acknowledged frustration with the slow-moving process but said it is typical with this type of toxic site. EPA officials previously said cleanup could begin as early as 2024. Roughly 80 homes in the predominantly low-income Burbank Gardens neighborhood are contaminated by toxic chemicals discarded by defense contractor Delfasco Forge. In 2018, the 1.1-acre property was placed on the Superfund National Priorities List, which includes some of the nation’s most-polluted sites. In an email to The Dallas Morning News, EPA spokeswoman Jennah Durant said it is common for the abatement timeline to shift. “Sites that are placed on the National Priorities List are by definition the most complex cleanup sites that usually take years or even decades to fully address.” Tests have shown that trichloroethylene, or TCE, which is a degreaser, contaminated the soil, bled into the groundwater and vaporized into the air. Delfasco Forge — which made practice bombs for the Navy and Air Force and machinery during the 1980s and ‘90s — used TCE to clean equipment. In addition to causing cancer, TCE can cause heart defects in developing fetuses and damage the liver, kidneys, respiratory, immune and central nervous systems in adults. Pregnant women are among the most vulnerable. At a public meeting in 2022, several residents questioned whether enough was being done, and quickly enough, to address the public health hazard. The Grand Prairie plant, at 114 N.E. 28th St., closed in 1998. In 2008, Delfasco Forge filed for bankruptcy, in part because of liabilities from the contamination. As part of its bankruptcy settlement, the company paid the EPA $400,000 and the state of Texas $600,000 for mitigation efforts. To clean the site, the EPA said it plans to initially adopt two strategies, which will cost the agency $3.3 million. First, it will use a soil vapor extraction system, which is essentially a large vacuum equipped with carbon filters. The technology has been used to clean some 285 other Super Fund sites. Second, a groundwater treatment barrier will treat the toxic plume. Crews are now conducting groundwater sampling, drilling new wells to establish the extent of the plume and assessing the health risk. Both the EPA and the Texas State Department of Health Services have urged residents to request a free vapor mitigation system be installed in their homes. However, many in the neighborhood are renters, and homeowners must approve the mitigation systems. -------- ©2024 The Dallas Morning News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

The brutal 54-year reign of the Assad family in Syria looks to be over . In a matter of days, opposition forces took the major city of Aleppo before advancing southward into other government-controlled areas of Hama, Homs and finally, on Dec 7, 2024, the capital, Damascus . The offensive was all the more astonishing given that the 13-year civil war had largely been in a stalemate since a 2020 ceasefire brokered by Russia and Turkey. Reports suggest President Bashar al-Assad has resigned and left the country . But what has he left behind and what happens next? As an expert on Middle East security , I believe the opposition forces’ ability to maintain unity will be critical in the transition to a post-Assad Syria. Since the civil war started in 2011 , the many opposition factions in Syria have been fractured by ideological differences and the interests of external backers – and that remains true despite their current victory. Meanwhile, the rapid change of fortunes in Syria’s civil war poses serious questions for those countries that have backed one side or the other in the conflict. For Iran and Russia, the fall of their ally Assad will damage regional aspirations. For the backers of elements of the opposition – notably Turkey but also the U.S., both of which maintain a military presence in Syria – there will be challenges, too. Fears of a ‘catastrophic success’ Iran, the U.S., Russia and Turkey have been crucial players throughout Syria’s civil war. The recent opposition offensive came as Assad’s three key allies — Russia, Iran and Lebanon’s Hezbollah — were stretched thin. Russia’s focus on Ukraine and Iran’s setbacks from Israeli strikes have limited their ability to provide Assad robust support, while Hezbollah appeared hesitant to commit additional fighters, as it had done previously. Then, on Dec. 2, as opposition forces were on the move, Russia began withdrawing naval assets from its strategic Mediterranean base at Tartus, Syria. This erosion of external backing substantially undermined Assad’s capacity to regroup and mount an effective counteroffensive. Syrians celebrate the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government in the town of Bar Elias, Lebanon, near the border with Syria, on Dec. 8, 2024. AP Photo/Hassan Ammar The U.S. will no doubt welcome this diminished Russian and Iranian influence in Syria. But concern in Washington has already been aired over a scenario of “ catastrophic success ” in which Assad is replaced by an Islamist group that many in the West see as terrorists. It was members of the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham that spearheaded much of the opposition gains in Syria, fighting alongside the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army. And while Hayat Tahrir al-Sham has not directly targeted the U.S. troops stationed in the northeast – which is under the control of Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces – instability and the potential for clashes between opposition factions and U.S. allies could increase the risks for the 900 Syria-based American personnel. A fragmented landscape The fact that different opposition groups have taken control of various once-government-held areas points to a crucial fact: Syria is de facto partitioned. The northwest is controlled by the Islamist Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army. The northeast is under the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, supported by the United States. Despite a shared goal of ousting Assad and the joint offensive on Aleppo, conflicts between Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and the Syrian National Army are frequent. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, led by Abu Mohammad al-Golani aims to assert control over opposition-held areas, including those currently managed by the Syrian National Army. And the Syrian National Army and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham maintain complex, often conflicting relationships with the Syrian Democratic Forces, shaped by ideological, territorial and strategic differences. The Turkish-backed Syrian National Army frequently engages in direct clashes with the Syrian Defense Forces, which Turkey views as a terrorist organization and an offshoot of the Kurdistan Workers Party it has been fighting in southern Turkey for more than four decades. The opposition’s internal fragmentation may weaken its ability to bring stability to Syria in the long run. Adjustment problems Assad’s fall will have major implications for those countries that have a stake in the region. Iran’s grand strategy of preserving the “ Shia Crescent ” — connecting Tehran to Beirut through Baghdad and Damascus and in the process countering Sunni Islamist factions — has failed. For Washington, Assad’s departure doesn’t necessarily fit any hoped-for outcome. The U.S. has prioritized balancing, containing and potentially diminishing Russian and Iranian influence in Syria. But until recently that did not mean the removal of Assad. The Biden administration had even hinted in early December that it would be prepared to lift sanctions on Syria if Assad severed ties with Iran and Hezbollah. There was also talk of Assad’s government allying with the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces . But as city after city fell to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army, it became increasingly unlikely that the Kurdish group would align with the weakening Assad forces – especially as Kurdish forces themselves made significant territorial gains . Syrian Democratic Forces will need to adapt in response to the fall of Assad. This will be doubly true if, as many anticipate and President-elect Donald Trump has hinted at , the U.S. withdraws from Syria. Currently, the 900 U.S. troops are in eastern Syria, alongside a military base in Al-Tanf, located near the Iraqi and Jordanian borders. Should American forces withdraw, the Syrian Democratic Forces and the autonomous region it administers — known as the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria — would need to negotiate their autonomy with both different factions of the opposition and Syrian neighbor Turkey. A Kurdish and Islamist alliance? The precarious role of Syrian Democratic Forces in the transition to the post-Assad era could make for a significant foreign policy headache for the U.S. Given Turkey’s history of military incursions and campaigns against the Syrian Democratic Forces in northern cities like Afrin and Kobani, the Kurdish group may need to align with some factions of the opposition, likely Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, should the U.S. eventually withdraw. Of late, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham has largely avoided antagonizing the Syrian Democratic Forces. Indeed, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s efforts to rebrand and moderate itself are notable , especially given its origins as a Salafist group with ties to al-Qaida. By adopting a range of policies like issuing an amnesty for Syrian army personnel, facilitating evacuation agreements and using the language of building an ethnically and religiously diverse governance structure, the Islamist group has attempted to soften its hardline image and gain favor – or at least neutrality – from international stakeholders, like the U.S. Yet skepticism about Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s ultimate objectives persists. Strategic calculations for Turkey Turkey’s position on Syria now is equally complex. Turkey is home to 3.6 million Syrian refugees — the largest refugee-hosting country globally. A prolonged economic downturn and rising anti-refugee sentiment had pressured Turkey President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to signal a willingness to engage with Assad prior to the opposition offensive. Turkey’s hope was that normalized relations with Syria would help facilitate refugee return and address concerns about a potential Kurdish state in northeastern Syria. But Assad dismissed such overtures, and intensified airstrikes on Idlib – triggering new waves of displacement near the Turkish border. Turkey’s Syria policy is also closely linked to its renewed peace process with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. These talks reportedly include discussions about the potential release of imprisoned Kurdistan Workers’ Party leader Abdullah Öcalan – whose influence runs deep in Kurdish-led regions in northern Syria. The chance for a new Syria The apparent end of Assad’s rule after half a century of brutal oppression signifies a pivotal moment for Syria – offering an opportunity to rebuild the nation on foundations of inclusivity, pluralism and stability. Achieving this vision depends on the opposition factions’ ability to navigate the immense challenges of transition. This includes fostering unity among diverse groups, addressing grievances from years of conflict and establishing governance structures that reflect Syria’s ethnic, religious and political diversity. That will be no easy task. Sefa Secen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.By Elizabeth Ayoola, NerdWallet The investing information provided on this page is for educational purposes only. NerdWallet, Inc. does not offer advisory or brokerage services, nor does it recommend or advise investors to buy or sell particular stocks, securities or other investments. Kids are often pretty good at being consumers. If you’re a parent with a small business, you have the opportunity to show your kids firsthand what it means to be a producer. Small Business Saturday, which takes place on Nov. 30 this year, may be a great time to do just that. Small Business Saturday was established by American Express in 2010 and encourages consumers to patronize their local stores as a way to keep dollars circulating within their community. Here are three reasons you should consider getting your kids involved in Small Business Saturday, according to two mompreneurs. Ronne Brown is the owner of HERLISTIC, a plant-derived beauty and feminine care brand in Washington, D.C. She’s been participating in Small Business Saturday since she established her business in 2020. The entrepreneur gets her kids (ages 24, 18 and 12), plus her bonus daughter, 10, to help out on Small Business Saturday and beyond. Brown’s kids help with customer service, shipping and fulfillment tasks. That could include counting inventory, quality control or packaging boxes. Other times, help looks like Brown’s 12-year-old daughter keeping her up-to-date with TikTok trends and influencers in the beauty field. “I just want them to understand the price and the value of a dollar and what it actually costs to make it,” Brown says. The mompreneur also hopes her kids learn the benefits of commitment and hard work. “What I want to show them is that you have to work hard every day. And there are gonna be moments where you’re gonna be tired, you’re gonna be exhausted, and you’re not gonna want to do things, and you’re going to have to push through,” she says. Hiring your kids to do legitimate work during Small Business Saturday provides a chance for them to learn pillars needed for a strong financial foundation: earning money , saving money and investing. That said, before hiring kids, it’s critical to understand the child labor laws for your state in addition to the IRS’ rules around hiring kids. Brown says she pays all of her children, including her 24-year-old son who is on payroll. Additionally, she teaches them about investing in the stock market. “I want them to understand the importance of making money, but also investing the money that they’re making,” she says. “Because when I pay them, I always ask them, ‘so what are you gonna do to double this money?’” If you hire your minor kids, they could get a headstart on investing by putting some of their income into a custodial Roth IRA , which requires earned income to open. You could also open them a custodial brokerage account. Another perk of your kids earning income by working for you is that they may be exempt from paying federal income taxes if they earn less than the standard deduction . In 2024, that threshold is $14,600. Having your kids add helping hands, whether it be doing administrative tasks or helping customers, can ensure you keep up with a potential increase in sales. A 2024 NerdWallet holiday spending report found that 16% of 2024 holiday shoppers plan to shop on Small Business Saturday this year. Lisset Tresvant, owner of Glow Esthetics Spa in Hollywood, Florida, has been participating in Small Business Saturday since the genesis of her business in 2019. “I do tend to sell more because people are usually more inclined to purchase because of the sales, and it gives them a reason to support us,” she says. To help with the demand, Tresvant’s daughter, 12, and son, 9, fill her skincare products, add labels and help prep items for shipping. Tresvant says she decided to let her kids get involved in her business so they have a better understanding of what she does. Looking beyond Small Business Saturday, hiring your child can also help with succession planning , which is about planning for your departure from your business. Tresvant hopes to pass hers down to her kids one day. “They understand that I’m building this legacy just for not myself, but for them as well,” says Tresvant. More From NerdWallet Elizabeth Ayoola writes for NerdWallet. Email: eayoola@nerdwallet.com. The article 3 Reasons to Involve Your Kids in Small Business Saturday originally appeared on NerdWallet .

THE country's external debt ratios stayed at manageable levels as of the third quarter despite additional borrowings, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) reported late Friday. External debt totaled $139.64 billion in the July-September period, up from $130.18 billion as of end-June. As a percentage of the economy, external debt rose to 30.6 percent from 28.9 percent in the second quarter. Register to read this story and more for free . Signing up for an account helps us improve your browsing experience. OR See our subscription options.Jilted boxer who threatened to kill woman over Facebook avoids jailNBA MVP Power Rankings: Nikola Jokic Has Very Stiff CompetitionAmbarella: Riding The Next Wave

HNB PLC yesterday announced the official appointment of Damith Pallewatte as Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer, effective from 22 November 2024, following on his previous appointment as Acting CEO in April this year. A veteran Banking and Risk Management Professional with over 28 years of experience, including over 14 years in Senior and Corporate Management positions, Pallewatte brings a wealth of diverse experience to his new role. His career has spanned the full spectrum of banking operations, including Strategy and Risk Management, Credit, Branch Banking and Operations, and most recently as Deputy General Manager of HNB’s Wholesale Banking Group, prior to being appointed as Acting CEO. “For generations HNB has served as a crucial lynchpin of the national economy, and a partner in progress to all Sri Lankans. We have steadily established a reputation for trust, integrity, and innovation, by providing best-in-class banking and financial services, and continuously enhancing the capabilities of our people, and our technological infrastructure. These investments have uniquely positioned HNB to serve as a catalyst for a robust, grassroots-led economic recovery, and I am honoured to have been entrusted with the job of leading this remarkable institution through this critical moment in our nation’s history. Moving forward, we remain focused on rebuilding Sri Lankan enterprise – from SMEs to large corporates, while supporting the aspirations of our valued retail customers,” Pallewatte said. Prior to his appointment as MD/CEO Pallewatte served as Acting CEO effective from April 2024, following a remarkable track record of success at the helm of HNB’s fast growing Wholesale Banking Group (WBG). Under his custodian leadership, HNB Group has successfully consolidated its strong growth momentum, recording Rs. 38.7 billion in PBT for the 9 months of FY24, showcasing substantial capital and liquidity levels. Elaborating on the bank’s top priorities over the coming year, Pallewatte explained how HNB would continue to focus on inclusive growth, MSME revival, trade and export facilitation, digital banking innovation, disciplined risk management, and strategic partnerships that foster maximum value for customers and the nation. “Exemplified by endeavours such as obtaining an Authorised Person License for the Colombo Port City SEZ to take by offering world-class integrated banking solutions to the world, we’re positioning HNB and Sri Lanka as a key South Asian hub for global services exports, shaping the future of finance. As we navigate this transformative period, we remain committed to driving sustainable growth and innovation, reinforcing our role as a critical player in the nation’s economic resurgence,” Pallewatte asserted. Commenting on the ongoing effort to expanding HNB’s value proposition beyond the borders of Sri Lanka, he noted that current discussions with regard to the potential acquisition of Bank Alfalah’s Bangladesh operation would also play a critical role in HNB’s next chapter of growth. In addition to his leadership roles at HNB, Pallewatte also serves as Chairman at Acuity Partners Ltd, Acuity Securities Ltd. and Director of Lanka Financial Services Bureau Ltd. Further enriching his profile, Pallewatte also serves as Chairman of Lanka Ventures PLC and LVL Energy Fund PLC showcasing his expertise in venture capital and renewable energy investments across Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal. He was recently appointed as Vice President/Director of the International Chamber of Commerce in Sri Lanka. Pallewatte holds an MBA from PIM-SJP, a BSc. Management (Hons.) from the London School of Economics (LSE) and is a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Management Accountants (UK), a Chartered Global Management Accountant, and a Certified Financial Risk Manager from the Global Association of Risk Professionals (GARP). He is also an ACI Operations Certificate holder of the Financial Markets Association—France and holds a Sustainability and Climate Risk Certificate (SCR) from GARP, underscoring his dedication to advancing financial, social, and environmental sustainability practices.

BAKU – In the wee hours Sunday at the United Nations climate talks, countries from around the world reached an agreement on how rich countries can cough up the funds to support poor countries in the face of climate change. It's a far-from-perfect arrangement, with many parties still deeply unsatisfied but some hopeful that the deal will be a step in the right direction. Recommended Videos World Resources Institute president and CEO Ani Dasgupta called it “an important down payment toward a safer, more equitable future,” but added that the poorest and most vulnerable nations are “rightfully disappointed that wealthier countries didn’t put more money on the table when billions of people’s lives are at stake.” The summit was supposed to end on Friday evening but negotiations spiraled on through early Sunday. With countries on opposite ends of a massive chasm, tensions ran high as delegations tried to close the gap in expectations. Here's how they got there: What was the finance deal agreed at climate talks? Rich countries have agreed to pool together at least $300 billion a year by 2035. It’s not near the full amount of $1.3 trillion that developing countries were asking for, and that experts said was needed. But delegations more optimistic about the agreement said this deal is headed in the right direction, with hopes that more money flows in the future. The text included a call for all parties to work together using “all public and private sources” to get closer to the $1.3 trillion per year goal by 2035. That means also pushing for international mega-banks, funded by taxpayer dollars, to help foot the bill. And it means, hopefully, that companies and private investors will follow suit on channeling cash toward climate action. The agreement is also a critical step toward helping countries on the receiving end create more ambitious targets to limit or cut emissions of heat-trapping gases that are due early next year. It’s part of the plan to keep cutting pollution with new targets every five years, which the world agreed to at the U.N. talks in Paris in 2015. The Paris agreement set the system of regular ratcheting up climate fighting ambition as away to keep warming under 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) above pre-industrial levels. The world is already at 1.3 degrees Celsius (2.3 degrees Fahrenheit) and carbon emissions keep rising. What will the money be spent on? The deal decided in Baku replaces a previous agreement from 15 years ago that charged rich nations $100 billion a year to help the developing world with climate finance. The new number has similar aims: it will go toward the developing world's long laundry list of to-dos to prepare for a warming world and keep it from getting hotter. That includes paying for the transition to clean energy and away from fossil fuels. Countries need funds to build up the infrastructure needed to deploy technologies like wind and solar power on a large scale. Communities hard-hit by extreme weather also want money to adapt and prepare for events like floods, typhoons and fires. Funds could go toward improving farming practices to make them more resilient to weather extremes, to building houses differently with storms in mind, to helping people move from the hardest-hit areas and to help leaders improve emergency plans and aid in the wake of disasters. The Philippines, for example, has been hammered by six major storms in less than a month , bringing to millions of people howling wind, massive storm surges and catastrophic damage to residences, infrastructure and farmland. “Family farmers need to be financed," said Esther Penunia of the Asian Farmers Association. She described how many have already had to deal with millions of dollars of storm damage, some of which includes trees that won't again bear fruit for months or years, or animals that die, wiping out a main source of income. “If you think of a rice farmer who depends on his or her one hectare farm, rice land, ducks, chickens, vegetables, and it was inundated, there was nothing to harvest,” she said. Why was it so hard to get a deal? Election results around the world that herald a change in climate leadership, a few key players with motive to stall the talks and a disorganized host country all led to a final crunch that left few happy with a flawed compromise. The ending of COP29 is "reflective of the harder geopolitical terrain the world finds itself in,” said Li Shuo of the Asia Society. He cited Trump's recent victory in the US — with his promises to pull the country out of the Paris Agreement — as one reason why the relationship between China and the EU will be more consequential for global climate politics moving forward. Developing nations also faced some difficulties agreeing in the final hours, with one Latin American delegation member saying that their group didn't feel properly consulted when small island states had last-minute meetings to try to break through to a deal. Negotiators from across the developing world took different tacks on the deal until they finally agreed to compromise. Meanwhile, activists ramped up the pressure: many urged negotiators to stay strong and asserted that no deal would be better than a bad deal. But ultimately the desire for a deal won out. Some also pointed to the host country as a reason for the struggle. Mohamed Adow, director of climate and energy think tank Power Shift Africa, said Friday that “this COP presidency is one of the worst in recent memory,” calling it “one of the most poorly led and chaotic COP meetings ever.” The presidency said in a statement, “Every hour of the day, we have pulled people together. Every inch of the way, we have pushed for the highest common denominator. We have faced geopolitical headwinds and made every effort to be an honest broker for all sides.” Shuo retains hope that the opportunities offered by a green economy “make inaction self-defeating” for countries around the world, regardless of their stance on the decision. But it remains to be seen whether the UN talks can deliver more ambition next year. In the meantime, “this COP process needs to recover from Baku,” Shuo said. ___ Associated Press reporters Seth Borenstein and Sibi Arasu contributed to this report. ___ The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org .

The South Carolina women's basketball team has been defeated for the first time since March 31, 2023. The No. 1 Gamecocks fell Sunday in Los Angeles as Lauren Betts posted a double-double effort to lead No. 5 UCLA to a 77-62 triumph. The Gamecocks (5-1) suffered their first defeat after 43 consecutive victories, dating back to the loss to Iowa 77-73 in the NCAA Tournament semifinals. South Carolina defeated Iowa last season for the national championship. Betts finished with 11 points, a game-high 14 rebounds, four assists and four blocks to power the Bruins (5-0) to a historic victory. UCLA also got 15 points from Londynn Jones on 5-of-5 shooting from 3-point range, 13 points from Elina Aarnisalo and 11 each from Kiki Rice and Gabriela Jacquez. It's the first time UCLA has beaten South Carolina since 1981. The Bruins lost twice to the Gamecocks in the 2022-23 season, including in the Sweet 16 of the NCAA Tournament. Te-Hina Paopao had 18 points for South Carolina on 4-of-4 3-point shooting, while Tessa Johnson had 14 points. UCLA won the rebounding battle 41-34, marking the second time this season the Gamecocks have been outrebounded. South Carolina also got outscored in the paint 26-18. It's rare that a Dawn Staley-coached team -- units that typically revolve around dominant centers from A'ja Wilson to Aaliyah Boston to Kamilla Cardoso -- gets beat in the paint and on the glass, but with 6-foot-7 Betts, UCLA had the recipe to outmuscle the Gamecocks in those areas of the game. South Carolina never led after UCLA began the game with an 18-5 run, capped off by back-to-back 3-pointers from Jones. The Gamecocks cut the deficit to nine points in the second quarter, but the Bruins responded with a 17-5 run and entered halftime ahead by 21 points. Aarnisalo scored seven points during that run. From there, the Gamecocks never got within single digits of the lead in the second half. It's the first time in 21 tries that UCLA has beaten an AP-ranked No. 1 team. And it's the first time South Carolina lost a true road game since 2021, a streak of 33 games. The schedule doesn't get any easier for South Carolina. While UCLA faces UT Martin next on Friday, the Gamecocks play No. 8 Iowa State on Thursday. --Field Level Media

PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter’s closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

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