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Facebook X Email Print Save Story Over the weekend, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad fled to Russia as opposition forces took over the capital of Damascus, ending an uprising that had begun in 2011 and killed hundreds of thousands of people, and displaced millions. Assad’s regime had appeared to have gained the upper hand after receiving significant military support from Iran and Russia. But with his allies tied down with conflicts against Israel and Ukraine, respectively, Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (H.T.S.), a rebel group once affiliated with Al Qaeda under its former name, Al Nusra Front, marched with stunning speed across Syria’s major cities. To understand what this turn of events means for Syria’s neighbors and how the country might achieve a semblance of normalcy, I recently spoke by phone with Emile Hokayem, the director of regional security and a senior fellow for Middle East security at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, who has written extensively on Syria for almost two decades. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we also discussed the internal dynamics that led the Assad regime to decline, why Assad’s onetime regional enemies remain concerned, and what the rebels who overthrew the government really want. Over the past forty-eight hours, we’ve seen people celebrating Assad’s fall, but what are you most concerned about right now and why? I think everyone’s concern has to do with the factionalism that has pervaded not just the opposition, but Syria. The regime itself was as fractured as the opposition has been in the past. Syria has a Kurdish population, and ISIS is still rearing its ugly head in the eastern desert. So some part of the country was unified for a long time around Assad because he seemed like the lowest common denominator. But that became part of the reason he fell. The opposition became relatively more united because it had one enemy to rally against. Now we are essentially going back to a competition for power, for territory, for legitimacy. And that is going to be the difficult task here—to rise above that. But I don’t think we should be cynical. Just because it was hard in the past and that it didn’t succeed elsewhere doesn’t mean that the Syrians will fail. There is a strong argument for optimism here based on the fact that this was in a way a purely Syrian victory, or a Syrian solution to a Syrian problem. This was not an international or a regionally backed effort that led to the demise of Assad. That it was a bottom-up process may actually serve to reduce some of these divisions. Specifically, the fact that we have avoided the so-called Qaddafi moment—that essentially Bashar al-Assad was not captured and killed, which happened with Qaddafi in a pretty gruesome way—could serve to diffuse tensions. Had we had a Qaddafi moment, I think the way it would’ve played into the Syrian confessional universe would have been worrisome, and that would’ve been the overwhelming image. Because it would have been the majority religious group, Sunnis, murdering someone—even if he might deserve it—someone from a minority sect, in this case the Alawites? Exactly. In a way, yes, it’s sad that he escaped, and there’s certainly going to be very, very legitimate calls for justice. But avoiding this violent culmination of that process—although there is still violence and I’m not whitewashing what’s happening—and not having that one moment, the one picture that crystallizes all the fears, does help. You said that this was a Syrian solution to a Syrian problem. Does that imply that you think the role of Turkey in supporting this group, H.T.S., is overstated? Certainly. Turkey is the big geopolitical winner, but I think we need to provide some context there. First, Turkey is not a direct sponsor of H.T.S. It is actually the sponsor to another coalition called the Syrian National Army, which brought remnants of other groups together. And if anything, H.T.S., although it comes from a radical jihadist past, has actually been quite disciplined in this space and in recent years has avoided some of the extreme behavior that Turkish-supported groups like the S.N.A. have not. I would argue the S.N.A. is a more problematic force in this regard. I don’t believe, and a number of other analysts don’t believe, that Turkey masterminded the march to Damascus from Day One. I think the Turks had in mind limited achievements in and around Aleppo. The rebels wanted to push further, but the Turks were on board for a limited operation. It’s just that the speed at which things happened, the momentum that the rebels gathered, essentially overtook initial calculations. I think that this march and this frenetic advance is largely due to momentum that the rebels themselves were a bit surprised about. But more fundamentally, and I think this is the key factor, it exposed the hollowness and the rot of the Assad regime. The loyalist constituencies of Assad decided that it wasn’t worth fighting. Why? Because Assad defeated his enemies, and they stopped posing an existential threat to him. But there were no victory dividends the day after, and that really hurt his constituency. He won, but there were no positive returns economically. Who was his constituency? It was a very diverse one that included Alawite individuals and clans that have benefitted from the regime and served in key security functions. But it extended to a senior Sunni officer corps, and to a large section of the Sunni urban, élite middle class, upper class. It included members of minorities: Armenians, Christians, others. It was a disparate coalition that supported him first and foremost because he was the rampart against Islamists, broadly defined. And they shed a lot of blood for him. They suffered profoundly, and they justified Assad’s murderous campaign in the previous decades. But these constituencies, and their economic and social fortunes, declined since victory was achieved. Assad did not have the mind-set, did not have the plan, did not have the resources to make things better, including for his constituency. If anything, his regime grew more predatory, more rapacious, more violent in the past few years. It never regained cohesion. It never regained a sense of purpose. There’s an argument being made that the most important foreign backers of Assad, such as Hezbollah, Iran, and Russia, withdrew their support or weren’t able to provide the same levels of support, and that caused the regime to collapse. I assume you think that’s part of the reason, but it also seems like you’re saying something distinct. Look, I don’t deny the significant contribution that the weakening of Iran and the overstretch of Russia had in all this. But the speed at which the regime forces collapsed and the total absence of those popular militias which had rallied in the past and the fact that Assad did not have a narrative mattered. He did not appear once on television in the past ten days. All this points to the utter hollowness of his regime and the fact that it had essentially lost the support of all these constituencies that were key to survival during the prior iteration of that war, between 2011 and 2017. I don’t think one can understand what happened if one ignores that significant dynamic. So yes, there’s certainly a geopolitical context for all this, but there is Syrian agency. There are local conditions that have allowed this to happen the way it did happen. And keep in mind the economic collapse, and the fact that they lost access to the Lebanese economy. Is that because of international sanctions on Syria, or because of various problems in Lebanon? In part, it’s sanctions, but more important it’s the collapse of the Lebanese financial sector and economy since 2019. And that was essentially Syria’s economic lung. They were trading through Lebanon, they were money laundering through Lebanon, they were putting their savings in Lebanon. What signals are you reading for hope and concern? I assume the most obvious one is just how non-Sunni groups are going to be treated. The first point I would make is that this war hasn’t ended just yet. Just because the large cities have been liberated from Assad’s control should not make us forget that on Sunday there was fighting in northern Syria between the S.N.A. and the Kurds. Yesterday, the U.S. bombed more than seventy-five ISIS positions in the eastern desert and the Israelis expanded their control of the Golan Heights and bombed a number of facilities. And importantly, a number of Assad’s militias have now retreated to the coastal areas, and there is a fear that they can still defend themselves. A lot of them are hardened men who have fought in the past and are very worried about their future. So the potential for more violence does exist. And it’s not the day after; we’re not there yet. There is a lot in flux. The second point is that some of the rebel factions are quite disciplined. And it’s clear that H.T.S., led by Abu Mohammad al-Julani, has developed the language, has talked about policy positions, and wants to come across as the mature party. I don’t want to whitewash their record. It may change, and one should not be naïve about these groups. But the key thing is to see whether stability and order can be brought to the large cities quickly. If you have large-scale chaos in Damascus or Homs or Aleppo, one is going to struggle to put some kind of political process on track. There is the question of whether there’s anything from the past ten years of political negotiations that can be put on the table. There were a lot of initiatives, including one by the U.N. to define a new constitution for Syria, to include Syria’s massive diversity. Are there ready-made plans or ideas that can be deployed? And with a group like H.T.S., which is listed as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and others—Julani himself is considered a terrorist by the U.S. and others—how are they brought into the tent? Orchestrating that choreography where you need to bring in the remnants of the regime, too, will be complex. It does require regional support, but at a time when Europe is exhausted, Russia is on the back foot, the U.S. is going through a transition and Trump has already said the U.S. should have nothing to do with Syria, the multilateral system is battered. So who orchestrates that? Is it going to be Turkey leading? And, if Turkey leads, will the others accept? Is Turkey going to think about this in terms of just the stabilization of Syria or as part of its power play with Iran and Russia? How are the Sunni states thinking about Assad’s fall? Because they were broadly supportive of getting rid of Assad for a while, and then they were concerned about ISIS. And then it seemed like Assad had won and they reached out to him. In a way, there’s a sweet irony. Ten years ago, many of the Arab states wanted Assad gone and the Syrians were divided. Now most of the Syrians want Assad gone, but most of the Arab states wanted him to stay. Not because they loved him, but because prior attempts had failed, the cost was significant, and because the region is on fire. So a number of countries basically were telling themselves, We don’t want yet another crisis on our hands. Everyone recognizes Syria is a central geopolitical theatre. Because of its geography, Syria is pivotal. Not because it has great strength or a booming economy or plenty of resources. It’s purely a question of geography. Syria is a theatre in which at any one day, the U.S., Russian, Turkish, Iranian, and Israeli militaries are operating. Can you think of another place in the world that has this variety of large important militaries engaging in operations, plus jihadis? The reality is that the region is stunned by what happened. I just spent a couple of days with Middle Eastern officials, very senior ones, and I can tell you they’re struggling. They had written Syria off. Most of them wanted to normalize with Assad because they made very flawed assumptions about Syria. And they’re not the only ones. The Italians had decided to normalize with Assad and had sent an ambassador for the first time back to Damascus last month. But they got Syrian society wrong. And, when you see the reaction in the main cities, it’s mostly positive about that change. So now all these states have to figure out: Who are these new players in Syria? And importantly, these new players will feel that they don’t owe foreigners much. You know, in the previous round there was international support, but there was also international abandonment after the chemical-weapons attack. That’s what’s so important for Syrians now—they did it themselves, so they don’t owe the region much. You said Syria is so important because all these outside actors have decided to make it central to their interests. But is that because there’s something unique about the place, or just because the geopolitics of the past twenty years happened to lead to this outcome? I think it’s important because of its geography, because of all the borders it has with so many significant states; because it’s where Turkish-Arab competition plays out, where Arab and Iranian competition plays out, where Israel is keen on asserting its security interests and so on. And increasingly, it’s because of Syria’s role as a hub for migration and for drug-trafficking and for terrorism. It’s not necessarily intrinsically about Syria and Syrians; it’s about Syria as this hub for a lot of negative dynamics. Just to be clear, I’m offering you a geopolitical reading. It’s also important for Syrians. One thing that has not come up much in this conversation is that the Gulf states and Israel are happy that this is a defeat for Iran. Do you think that element has been overstated? These actors had all preferred a weak, deterrable Assad over this traumatic transformation. The U.S. really was not planning on that change. If anything, its policy was moving toward limited reëngagements. The Gulf states wanted to turn the page on political transformations in the Arab world. And Israel was fine with Assad as long as it could fly over Syria, bomb anything it wanted, and not be challenged. Are they pleased that Iran is weakened? Yes. Syria is central to Iran’s position in the region, to the resupply of Hezbollah. So this is a monumental setback for Iran, in part because it had already spent so much money and shed so much blood saving Assad the first time only to see this investment essentially disappear. And I suspect, in Iran, there’s a lot of introspection about the cost of supporting all these weak actors. So Iran is definitely weakened, but Iran has been resilient in the past. What happens depends on how the Iranians absorb that shock, whether there is a recognition in Iran that actually the axis of resistance is not that popular, that it actually sits on weak societies and weak states—which means that it’s not real power at the end of the day, and that these are costly endeavors. But also these actors have posed a very high risk to Iran. If Hamas starts something, and that ends up in a potential Israel-U.S.-Iran war with exchanges of missiles, that’s not what the Iranians wanted. So you support those militia partners, thinking that they amplify your influence, and in fact, they entangle you in crises that you struggle to keep up with. And that’s where the Iranians are. ♦ New Yorker Favorites A man was murdered in cold blood and you’re laughing ? The best albums of 2024. Little treats galore: a holiday gift guide . How Maria Callas lost her voice . An objectively objectionable grammatical pet peeve . What happened when the Hallmark Channel “ leaned into Christmas .” Sign up for our daily newsletter to receive the best stories from The New Yorker .Jack Smith Files Motion to Drop Jan.6 Charges Against Trump Before Inauguration in Major Blow for Special Counselbaccarat price

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Varanasi: Azamgarh police arrested Prabhunath Yadav for procuring fraudulently four passports between years 1996 and 2016, issued with different names and addresses. His reason for procuring multiple passports is being investigated. Providing details of action initiated in the case on Friday, Azamgarh ASP (rural) Chirag Jain said taking note of news about a person with four passports viral on social media, Sagri circle officer was asked to probe the matter. When the allegations were found correct, FIR was registered against Prabhunath Yadav of Mohammadpur Kodara village under Jiyanpur police station area and police arrested him near Latghat market on Friday and recovered all four passports from him, said Jain. How Yadav misled agencies, including local intelligence units of Azamgarh and Gorakhpur, to complete basic formalities and procure multiple passports came to light when police started investigating. One passport was issued in Lucknow on Jun 13, 1996, his date of birth mentioned as Sep 1, 1976 and his residential address as Mohammadpur Kodara Post Dighwaniya Qazi, Jiyanpur police station. Another passport was issued to him on Jun 10, 2002, in which date of birth was same but address was Chakki Hajipur village, under Rounapar police station, Azamgarh. The third passport was issued on Jul 2, 2009, in which the date of birth was stated as Apr 2, 1975 and the name too had been changed to Dinanath Yadav, resident of Majhwaliya, Barhalganj police station, Gorakhpur district. The fourth passport was issued on Jun 14, 2016, with date of birth Jan 1, 1964, and address Chutahi village, Mubarakpur police station, Azamgarh district. Stay updated with the latest news on Times of India . Don't miss yearly career horoscopes 2025 for Aries , Taurus , Gemini , Cancer , Leo , Virgo , Libra , Scorpio , Sagittarius , Capricorn , Aquarius , and Pisces .OTTAWA - The federal government is hoping a temporary break on GST will address a “vibecession” that has gripped Canadians, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland said Monday. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced last week that starting Dec. 14 the goods and services tax will be taken off a slew of items for two months to help with the affordability crunch. In a news conference on Monday, Freeland said there’s a disconnect between recent good news on inflation and interest rates and how Canadians are feeling about the economy, something she said is being referred to as a “vibecession.” The tax cut is meant to help bridge that gap and stimulate consumer spending, she said. “One of the positive impacts of this measure is to help Canadians get past that vibecession because how Canadians feel really does have a real economic impact,” Freeland said. The tax break will apply to a number of items including children’s clothing and shoes, toys, diapers, restaurant meals and beer and wine. It also applies to Christmas trees — both natural and artificial — along with a variety of snack foods and beverages, and video game consoles. The federal government also plans to send $250 cheques in the spring to Canadians who were working in 2023 and earned up to $150,000. Those who weren’t working last year, including retirees and Canadians on social assistance, will not receive cheques, fuelling criticism from opposition parties. Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet said on Monday that his party would only support the rebate cheques if the draft legislation is expanded to include seniors. NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh also wants the rebate cheques to be expanded to include retirees, people receiving disability assistance and students. Trudeau acknowledged last week that even though inflation is down and interest rates are falling, Canadians are still feeling the bite from higher prices. And while the government can’t help with prices at the checkout counter, it said it can put more money in people’s pockets. The GST break and cash gifts are estimated to cost the federal government $6.3 billion. Many economists have been critical of the measures, arguing there are better ways to use that money to help stimulate economic growth and productivity. Procurement Minister Jean-Yves Duclos, who was an economics professor at Laval University before running for federal office, addressed those critiques on Monday by pointing out that the measures are only temporary. “We need to distinguish between structural and temporary measures. This is a temporary measure which acknowledges that despite all of the wonderful economic news that my colleagues, economists are correct to spread, the average Canadian, doesn’t yet feel that good news,” Duclos said. BMO, which upgrades its economic growth forecast due to these measures, estimates the stimulus amounts to 0.3 per cent of GDP. “That is hefty. But, it will do little to change economic behaviour, or even touch the aforementioned issues of productivity and affordability in comparison to, say, something like permanent income tax reductions,” wrote BMO senior economist Robert Kavcic in a report. “In fact, when set against an incoming U.S. administration that is gearing up for a significant pro-growth policy push, it seems like energy would be better spent on measures with a more lasting impact.” This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 25, 2024. - With files from David Baxter.

As Americans are beyond burned out, Tricia Hersey’s Nap Ministry preaches the right to restThe Growth of Organic Farming in India Organic farming in India has seen unprecedented growth over the last decade. With increased awareness of health and environmental sustainability, the demand for organic products has skyrocketed. Organic farming companies have risen to the occasion, adopting innovative farming techniques, maintaining eco-friendly practices, and ensuring the availability of chemical-free food products. In this article, we’ll delve into the top 10 organic farming companies in India for 2025 that are leading the sustainable agriculture movement. 1. Organic India Organic India is one of the pioneers in promoting organic farming and wellness. Known for its herbal teas, supplements, and organic products, the company sources its raw materials from certified organic farms across India. Why It Stands Out: Wide range of organic products, including herbal teas and health supplements. Empowerment of small farmers through sustainable practices. Commitment to fair trade and eco-conscious packaging. 2. Sresta Natural Bioproducts (24 Mantra Organic) Sresta Natural Bioproducts, under its popular brand 24 Mantra Organic, has become a household name for organic staples. Their range includes organic pulses, rice, spices, and more. Key Features: Presence in over 200 cities across India. Stringent quality checks to ensure 100% organic certification. Focus on reducing the carbon footprint of agricultural processes. 3. EcoFarms EcoFarms has been at the forefront of the organic farming movement in India, focusing on eco-friendly methods and biodiversity conservation. Their product range caters to both domestic and international markets. What Makes It Unique: Extensive product portfolio, including fruits, vegetables, grains, and spices. Practices that emphasize soil health and water conservation. Collaborations with global organizations for sustainable farming. 4. Nature Bio-Foods Nature Bio-Foods specializes in organic food exports and has set benchmarks in quality assurance and sustainability. They partner with thousands of farmers to ensure premium organic products. Highlights: A diverse range of organic grains, pulses, and oils. Advanced processing facilities to retain nutritional value. Strong international presence in over 25 countries. 5. Organic Tattva Organic Tattva focuses on providing high-quality organic food products at affordable prices. Their offerings range from staples to superfoods, making organic living accessible to everyone. Key Features: Certified organic products adhering to global standards. Transparent supply chain ensuring traceability. Innovative packaging for extended shelf life. 6. Farm2Kitchen Farm2Kitchen is a prominent player in delivering organic produce directly to consumers. With an emphasis on promoting local farmers, it bridges the gap between producers and buyers. Why It’s Popular: Farm-to-table approach for fresh and chemical-free produce. Support for small-scale farmers to adopt organic methods. Easy online ordering and doorstep delivery services. 7. Conscious Food Founded in 1990, Conscious Food is one of India’s oldest organic farming companies. It specializes in organic grains, spices, and oils, promoting a holistic lifestyle. Unique Aspects: Hand-processed and minimally packaged products. Focus on traditional farming methods. Extensive product range catering to health-conscious consumers. 8. Sanjeevani Organics Sanjeevani Organics is committed to promoting organic farming as a way of life. They work closely with Himalayan farmers to bring pure and high-quality products to market. Key Features: Specialty in Himalayan organic products like herbs and grains. Support for rural farmers through training and fair trade. Commitment to biodiversity conservation. 9. Organic Garden Organic Garden delivers fresh organic fruits and vegetables straight from farms to consumers. Their products are grown without synthetic pesticides or fertilizers, ensuring a healthy alternative. Highlights: Strict adherence to organic certification standards. Focus on fresh produce and seasonal offerings. Robust delivery network across urban areas. 10. Navdanya Founded by Dr. Vandana Shiva, Navdanya is more than an organic farming company—it’s a movement to protect biodiversity and promote sustainable agriculture. Why It’s Unique: Advocacy for seed sovereignty and farmer’s rights. Extensive network of organic seed banks. Training programs for farmers to adopt eco-friendly practices. Why Choose Organic Farming Companies? The organic farming companies listed above are redefining agriculture in India. Here are some reasons to support these companies: Health Benefits: Organic food is free from harmful chemicals, ensuring better health. Environmental Sustainability: These companies focus on reducing soil erosion, conserving water, and improving biodiversity. Empowering Farmers: Many of these companies work directly with farmers, ensuring fair wages and training. Future of Organic Farming in India With government initiatives like the Paramparagat Krishi Vikas Yojana and increasing consumer demand, organic farming is poised for significant growth in India. Companies are now leveraging technology for precision farming, efficient supply chains, and product traceability. By 2025, organic farming could contribute significantly to the agricultural GDP. Learn more about sustainable practices and support organic farming efforts globally by visiting IFOAM – Organics International . Conclusion The top 10 organic farming companies in India are playing a pivotal role in transforming agriculture into a sustainable and eco-friendly sector. From empowering farmers to delivering premium organic products, these organic farming companies embody the principles of health, sustainability , and innovation. Supporting them is not just a step toward better health but also a contribution to a greener planet.The Miami Hurricanes, who once appeared to be a near-lock for the College Football Playoff, are not playing for a national title. Instead, they will play in the Pop-Tarts Bowl in Orlando. That bowl berth against Iowa State is a let-down for fans with dreams of a sixth national title in their minds, as well as players hoping to compete for a championship. However, Miami’s trip to Orlando and the lead-up to it are still crucial periods for the Hurricanes for multiple reasons. First, it’s a chance for the program to achieve something it has not done in more than two decades: win 11 games. Although the 11th win won’t get them closer to a championship, it is a good sign of the program’s progress over Mario Cristobal’s tenure. It would also end UM’s five-game losing streak in bowls. “We’re not satisfied,” Cristobal said. “We want to win every single game. We won 10. We were close on the other two, but close isn’t good enough. We want progress. We’re hungry and driven to get better, and so that’s what our focus is on: to improving as a football program, to getting better, to moving into the postseason with an opportunity against a great football team like this and putting our best on the field.” There are signs the Hurricanes will show up at close to full strength for the bowl game. Running back Damien Martinez announced he was going to play, and star quarterback Cam Ward said in a video call posted on social media that he intends to play, as well. “We’re trying to win our first bowl game in 20 years,” Ward said in the video, mistaking the length of UM’s long bowl losing streak. “We’re going hard.” Playing in the bowl game also provides the opportunity for the Hurricanes to get in several practices between now and the game. That means Miami can develop its young players and prepare them for next season during both the practices and the bowl game itself. “It’s extremely valuable,” Cristobal said. “You really don’t have many opportunities throughout the course of the year — time is limited more and more each season with your student-athletes. I want to state this and be very clear: it’s very important, it’s ultra-important for the University of Miami to continue to develop and grow and progress by stressing the importance of offseason opportunities ... You learn a lot about your team and learn a lot about your people and your program when you head to the postseason.” Of course, there are potential negatives. Players can get hurt; Mark Fletcher Jr. suffered a foot injury in the Pinstripe Bowl last year that cost him all of spring practice. A poor performance can also potentially set the tone for next season, like how Florida State, fresh off a playoff snub last year, suffered a devastating loss against Georgia in the Orange Bowl and went on to a dismal 2-10 season this year. “This is the ending of ’24 and the beginning of ’25,” Cristobal said. “This is the last opportunity to be on the field and carry some momentum into the offseason. So it is, in essence, it is the most important game because it’s the next game. “There’s a lot of excitement in the form of opportunity for our guys. Our guys love to play football. The chance to play one more time with this special group — this is a special group of guys now. They’ve worked hard to really change the trajectory of the University of Miami, and they want to continue to elevate the status and the culture at the University of Miami. So certainly a ton to play for.” ____ Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!

David Sacks seen bringing ‘on the ground’ experience to AI’s global challengesThe Miami Hurricanes, who once appeared to be a near-lock for the College Football Playoff, are not playing for a national title. Instead, they will play in the Pop-Tarts Bowl in Orlando. That bowl berth against Iowa State is a let-down for fans with dreams of a sixth national title in their minds, as well as players hoping to compete for a championship. However, Miami’s trip to Orlando and the lead-up to it are still crucial periods for the Hurricanes for multiple reasons. First, it’s a chance for the program to achieve something it has not done in more than two decades: win 11 games. Although the 11th win won’t get them closer to a championship, it is a good sign of the program’s progress over Mario Cristobal’s tenure. It would also end UM’s five-game losing streak in bowls. “We’re not satisfied,” Cristobal said. “We want to win every single game. We won 10. We were close on the other two, but close isn’t good enough. We want progress. We’re hungry and driven to get better, and so that’s what our focus is on: to improving as a football program, to getting better, to moving into the postseason with an opportunity against a great football team like this and putting our best on the field.” There are signs the Hurricanes will show up at close to full strength for the bowl game. Running back Damien Martinez announced he was going to play, and star quarterback Cam Ward said in a video call posted on social media that he intends to play, as well. “We’re trying to win our first bowl game in 20 years,” Ward said in the video, mistaking the length of UM’s long bowl losing streak. “We’re going hard.” Playing in the bowl game also provides the opportunity for the Hurricanes to get in several practices between now and the game. That means Miami can develop its young players and prepare them for next season during both the practices and the bowl game itself. “It’s extremely valuable,” Cristobal said. “You really don’t have many opportunities throughout the course of the year — time is limited more and more each season with your student-athletes. I want to state this and be very clear: it’s very important, it’s ultra-important for the University of Miami to continue to develop and grow and progress by stressing the importance of offseason opportunities ... You learn a lot about your team and learn a lot about your people and your program when you head to the postseason.” Of course, there are potential negatives. Players can get hurt; Mark Fletcher Jr. suffered a foot injury in the Pinstripe Bowl last year that cost him all of spring practice. A poor performance can also potentially set the tone for next season, like how Florida State, fresh off a playoff snub last year, suffered a devastating loss against Georgia in the Orange Bowl and went on to a dismal 2-10 season this year. “This is the ending of ’24 and the beginning of ’25,” Cristobal said. “This is the last opportunity to be on the field and carry some momentum into the offseason. So it is, in essence, it is the most important game because it’s the next game. “There’s a lot of excitement in the form of opportunity for our guys. Our guys love to play football. The chance to play one more time with this special group — this is a special group of guys now. They’ve worked hard to really change the trajectory of the University of Miami, and they want to continue to elevate the status and the culture at the University of Miami. So certainly a ton to play for.” ____ Get local news delivered to your inbox!Single Man’s Fake Couple Photos Go Viral For All The Right Reasons

Retirement: 4 ways to maximize your 401(k) contributions before the year endsFetterman rips Democrats’ ‘freakouts’ about his tentative support for Oz

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