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"This quarter reflects the 2-month closure of mining operations due to the safety standards upgrades that were required by the Mexican Labor Department," stated Robert Eadie, Chief Executive Officer. "Since October 20th, we have returned to our previous robust mining and plant operations which will be reflected in the next quarter." Financial Highlights for the three-month period ended October 31, 2024 (Unaudited): The following table contains selected highlights from the Company's unaudited consolidated statement of operations for the three and six months ended October 31, 2024 and 2023: (1) EBITDA ("Earnings before Interest, Taxes, Depreciation and Amortization") is a non-GAAP financial performance measure with no standard definition under IFRS. It is therefore possible that this measure could not be comparable with a similar measure of another Corporation. The Corporation uses this non-GAAP measure which can also be helpful to investors as it provides a result which can be compared with the Corporation's market share price. (2) EBITDA MARGIN is a measurement of a company's operating profitability calculated as EBITDA divided by total revenue. EBITDA MARGIN is a non-GAAP financial performance measure with no standard definition under IFRS. It is therefore possible that this measure could not be comparable with a similar measure of another Corporation. The Corporation uses this non-GAAP measure which can also be helpful to investors as it provides a result which can be compared with the Corporation's market share price. Production Highlights for the three-month period ended October 31, 2024: The following table is a summary of mine production statistics for the San Martin mine for the three and six months ended October 31, 2024 and for the previous year ended April 30, 2024: Salvador Garcia, B. Eng., a director of the Company and Chief Operating Officer, is the Company's qualified person on the project as required under NI 43-101and has prepared the technical information contained in this press release. About Starcore Starcore International Mines is engaged in precious metals production with focus and experience in Mexico. While this base of producing assets has been complemented by exploration and development projects throughout North America, Starcore has expanded its reach internationally with the project in Côte d'Ivoire. The Company is a leader in Corporate Social Responsibility and advocates value driven decisions that will increase long term shareholder value. You can find more information on the investor friendly website here: . ON BEHALF OF STARCORE INTERNATIONAL MINES LTD. Signed "Gary Arca" Gary Arca, Chief Financial Officer and Director FOR FURTHER INFORMATION PLEASE CONTACT: GARY ARCA Telephone: (604) 602-4935 ext 214 ROBERT EADIE Telephone: (604) 602-4935 ext 205 LinkedIn Twitter Facebook The Toronto Stock Exchange has not reviewed nor does it accept responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this press release. This news release contains "forward-looking" statements and information ("forward-looking statements"). All statements, other than statements of historical facts, included herein, including, without limitation, management's expectations and the potential of the Company's projects, are forward looking statements. Forward-looking statements are based on the beliefs of Company management, as well as assumptions made by and information currently available to Company's management and reflect the beliefs, opinions, and projections on the date the statements are made. Forward-looking statements involve various risks and uncertainties and accordingly, readers are advised not to place undue reliance on forward-looking statements. There can be no assurance that such statements will prove to be accurate, and actual results and future events could differ materially from those anticipated in such statements. The Company assumes no obligation to update forward‐looking statements or beliefs, opinions, projections or other factors, except as required by law. NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION IN THE UNITED STATES To view the source version of this press release, please visit SOURCE: Starcore International Mines Ltd. MENAFN13122024004218003983ID1108991784 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the provider above.Syracuse hosts Georgetown for milestone battle in longtime rivalry
The memories began rushing back as Kenneth strolled through Hong Kong’s Victoria Park, once a focal point for the city’s resistance to China. As a child, Kenneth would buy calligraphy posters from pro-democracy politicians at the annual Lunar New Year fair. Then there were the protest marches he joined as a teenager, that would always start here before winding their way through the city. When he was just 12, he began attending the park's massive vigils for the Tiananmen massacre - a taboo in mainland China, but commemorated openly in Hong Kong. Those vigils have ended now. The politicians’ stalls at the fair are gone, protests have been silenced and pro-democracy campaigners jailed. Kenneth feels his political coming-of-age - and Hong Kong’s - is being erased. “People still carry on with life... but you can feel the change bit by bit,” said the former activis, who did not want to reveal his real name when he spoke to us. “Our city’s character is disappearing.” On the surface Hong Kong appears to be the same, its packed trams still rumbling down bustling streets, its vibrant neon-lit chaos undimmed. But look closer and there are signs the city has changed - from the skyscrapers lighting up every night with exultations of China, the motherland, to the chatter of mainland Mandarin increasingly heard alongside Hong Kong’s native Cantonese. It’s impossible to know how many of Hong Kong’s more than seven million people welcome Beijing’s grip. But hundreds of thousands have taken part in protests in the past decade since a pro-democracy movement erupted in 2014. Not everyone supported it, but few would argue Beijing crushed it. As a turbulent decade draws to a close, hopes for a freer Hong Kong have withered. China says it has steadied a volatile city. Hundreds have been jailed under a sweeping national security law (NSL), which also drove thousands of disillusioned and wary Hongkongers abroad, including activists who feared or fled arrest. Others, like Kenneth, have stayed and keep a low profile. But in many of them lives the memory of a freer Hong Kong - a place they are fighting to remember in defiance of Beijing’s remaking of their city. When Hong Kong, a former British colony, was returned to China in 1997, it was under the assurance that the city would keep some rights, including free speech, freedom of assembly and rule of law for 50 years. But as Beijing’s power grew, so did the disquiet within the city’s pro-democracy camp. In September 2014, tens of thousands of protesters began to stage mass sit-ins in downtown Hong Kong, demanding fully democratic elections. It propelled a new generation of pro-democracy campaigners to prominence - such as Joshua Wong, then a 17-year-old student, and Benny Tai, a college professor, who called the movement Occupy Central. It also seeded the ground for more explosive protests in 2019, which were triggered by Beijing’s proposal to extradite locals to the mainland. The plan was scrapped but the protests intensified over several months as calls grew for more democracy, becoming the most serious challenge to Beijing’s authority in Hong Kong. “Without Benny Tai, there would have been no Occupy Central,” says Chan Kin-man, who co-founded the campaign with Tai and Reverend Chu Yiu-ming. “He had the temper of scholars and spoke his mind... that’s why he was bold enough to push for changes and think about big ideas. It is always people [like this] who change history.” Chan and Rev Chu are both exiles in Taiwan now. Chan moved to Taipei in 2021, after serving 11 months in jail for inciting public nuisance in his role in Occupy Central. He is now a fellow at a local research institute. Tai is still in Hong Kong, where he will spend the next decade behind bars. Earlier this month he was sentenced to jail for subversion, including Wong, many of whom have been in jail since their arrest in early 2021. As Wong left the courtroom, he shouted: “I love Hong Kong.” The following day 76-year-old billionaire Jimmy Lai, a fierce critic of China, testified at his trial for allegedly colluding with foreign forces. Frail but defiant, he told the court his now-defunct newspaper Apple Daily had only espoused the values of Hong Kong’s people: “Pursuit of democracy and freedom of speech”. The trials have passed quietly, in stark contrast to the events that led to them. Small signs of protest outside the court were quickly shut down - a woman sobbing about her son’s sentence was taken away by police. Beijing defends the restrictions - including the NSL under which the trials are happening - as essential for stability. It says the West or its allies have no right to question its laws or how it applies them. But critics accuse China of reneging on the deal it struck in 1997. They say it has weakened the city’s courts and muzzled the once resounding cry for democracy in Hong Kong. Chan has watched these events unfold from afar with a heavy heart. After 2014, there had still been the possibility of change, he said. Now, “a lot of things have become impossible... Hong Kong has become no different from other Chinese cities”. Faced with this reality after campaigning for democracy for more than a decade, “you can say that I have failed in everything I have done in my life”, he said with a wry smile. But still he perseveres. Besides teaching classes on Chinese society, he is writing a book about Occupy Central, collecting items for an archive of Hong Kong’s protest scene, organising conferences, and giving virtual lectures on democracy and politics. These efforts “make me feel that I haven’t given up on Hong Kong. I don’t feel like I have abandoned it”. Yet, there are moments when he grapples with his decision to leave. He is happier in Taiwan, but he also feels “a sense of loss”. “Am I still together with other Hongkongers, facing the same challenges as them?” “If you are not breathing the air here, you don’t really know what’s happening... if you don’t feel the pulse here, it means you are truly gone,” said Kenneth, as he continued his walk through Victoria Park. With friends leaving the city in droves in the last few years, he has lost count of the number of farewell parties he’s attended. Still, he insists on staying: “This is where my roots are.” What irritates him is the rhetoric from those who leave, that the Hong Kong they knew has died. “Hong Kong continues to exist. Its people are still here! So how can they say that Hong Kong is dead?" But, he acknowledged, there have been dramatic changes. Hongkongers now have to think twice about what they say out loud, Kenneth said. Many are now adapting to a “normalised state of surveillance”. There are red lines, “but it is very difficult to ascertain them”. Instead of campaigning openly, activists now write petition letters. Rallies, marches and protests are definitely off-limits, he added. But many, like Kenneth, are wary of taking part in any activism, because they fear they’ll be arrested. A , and have fallen foul of the law recently, landing their owners in jail for sedition. These days Kenneth goes out less frequently. “The contrast is so drastic now. I don’t want to remember what happened in the past.” Still, as he walked out of the park and headed to the Admiralty district, more memories unspooled. As he neared the government headquarters, he pointed to the spot where he choked on tear gas for the first time, on 28 September 2014. That day, the police fired 87 rounds of tear gas on unarmed protesters, an act that enraged demonstrators and galvanised the pro-democracy movement. As the protests deepened and tear gas became a common sight, many sheltered behind umbrellas, spawning a new moniker - the Umbrella Movement. The final stop was his alma mater, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, also known as PolyU. It was a key battleground during the 2019 demonstrations that saw protesters battling police on the streets, hurling projectiles against tear gas, water cannons and rubber bullets. Five years on, the PolyU entrance where students fended off the police with bricks and petrol bombs in a fiery showdown has been reconstructed. A fountain which saw the most intense clashes has been demolished. Like elsewhere in Hong Kong, the campus seemed to have been scrubbed of its disobedient past. Kenneth believed it was because the university “doesn’t want people to remember certain things". Then, he darted away to a quiet corner. Hidden beneath the bushes was a low wall pockmarked with holes and gobs of concrete. It was impossible to tell what they were. But Kenneth believes these were traces of the battles which escaped the purge of memories. “I don’t believe we will forget what happened,” he said. “Forgetting the past is a form of betrayal.” At a Tesco’s café in Watford in the UK, Kasumi Law remembered what she missed about her old home. “I never thought I’d love the sea in Hong Kong so much. I only realised this when I arrived in the UK,” she said, as she tucked into a full English breakfast. Unlike the cold and dark ocean surrounding Britain, “in Hong Kong the sea is so shiny, because there are so many buildings... I didn’t realise how beautiful our city is”. Kasumi’s decision to move to the UK with her husband and young daughter had stemmed from an unease that crept up on her over the previous decade. The Occupy Central protests began just months after her daughter was born in 2014. In the following years, as Beijing's grip appeared to tighten - and - Kasumi's discomfort grew. “Staying in Hong Kong was, I wouldn’t say, unsafe,” she said. “But every day, little by little, there was a feeling of something not being right.” Then Hong Kong erupted in protest again in 2019. As Beijing cracked down, the UK offered a visa scheme for Hongkongers born before the 1997 handover, and Kasumi and her husband agreed it was time to go for the sake of their daughter. They settled in the town of Watford near London, where her husband found a job in IT while Kasumi became a stay-at-home mum. But she had never lived abroad before, and she struggled with a deep homesickness which she documented in emotional video diaries on YouTube. One of them even went viral last year, striking a chord with some Hongkongers while others criticised her for choosing to emigrate. Eventually it was too much to bear, and she returned to Hong Kong for a visit last year. Over two months she visited childhood haunts like a theme park and a science museum, scoffed down her mum’s homecooked fuzzy melon with vermicelli and stir fried clams, and treated herself to familiar delights such as egg tarts and melon-flavoured soy milk. But the Hong Kong she remembered had also changed. Her mum looked older. Her favourite shops in the Ladies Market had closed down. Sitting by the harbour at Tsim Sha Tsui one night, she was happy to be reunited with the twinkling sea she had missed so much. Then she realised most of the people around her were speaking in Mandarin. Tears streamed down her face. “When I looked out at the sea it looked familiar, but when I looked around at the people around me, it felt strange.” Kasumi wonders when she would visit again. With the passing of - her friends have advised her to delete social media posts from past protests before returning. It is a far cry from the fearlessness she remembers from 2019, when she brought her daughter to the protests and they marched on the streets with thousands of people, united in their defiance. “It’s too late to turn back,” she said. “I feel if I go back to Hong Kong I might not be used to life there, to be honest. “My daughter is happy here. When I see her, I think it’s worth it. I want her world to be bigger.” Kasumi’s world is bigger too - she has found a job and made new friends. But even as she builds a new life in the UK, she remains determined to preserve the Hongkonger in her - and her child. Kasumi and her husband only speak in Cantonese to their daughter, and the family often watches Cantonese films together. Her daughter doesn’t yet understand the significance of the 2019 protests she marched in, nor the movement that began in 2014, when she was born. But Kasumi plans to explain when she is older. The seeds Kasumi is planting are already taking root. She is particularly proud of the way her daughter responds to people who call her Chinese. “She gets angry, and she will argue with them,” Kasumi said, with a smile. “She always tells people, ‘I’m not Chinese, I’m a Hongkonger'."John Whelan: Irish exporters need political tranquillitySEASONED political observer Joe Kemmy says it's likely that Elisa O'Donovan will take the fourth and final seat in Limerick City. The Social Democrats councillor received a huge transfer of 339 votes from People Before Profit-Solidarity candidate Ruairi Fahy in the last count. She has moved 363 votes clear of her nearest rival, Dee Ryan - and 391 clear of Cllr Conor Sheehan, Labour. LIVE BLOG: General Election results from Limerick Now, Mr Kemmy, who is director of elections on the Labour campaign, has said he believes the gap is now too wide for his candidate to bridge. "The deficit is too big to make up. We don't give up, because there are a big bloc of votes to be dished out yet. But the Social Democrats seem to have the wind at their back. She is transferring well, and I think we will find it difficult to overhaul Elisa O'Donovan at this stage," he said. Mr Kemmy - who correctly predicted the mayoral election outcome three days before the declaration - added: "When a party gets a bounce as Labour get it, sometimes Sinn Fein get it, the Social Democrats got it this time, the brand delivers a certain percentage of the vote." "She is the beneficiary of that swing. Fair play to her. I think she will win, but she hasn't won yet. We'll finish fifth at worst in a four-seater constituency, which is never a nice place to finish. Conor is a young man, if he doesn't make it this time, I'm sure he will be back next time. He's a good worker and he will graft away." "But I do expect Elisa O'Donovan to be the next TD in Limerick," he concluded.
A massive tornado was spotted west of Brookhaven in Mississippi on Saturday afternoon. A time-lapse video surfaced on social media showing a large cloudy twister by the road. Along with Mississippi, Texas and Louisiana and are also witnessing several tornados. The National Weather Service (NWS) issued a Potentially Destructive Tornado warning for the surrounding areas of Brookhaven. Highway 84, which passes through Brookhaven, closed down after trees fell on the road blocking the passage of vehicles. Crews are at work to remove the trees and reopen the highway following the impact of the tornado. Get Latest News Live on Times Now along with Breaking News and Top Headlines from US News, World and around the world.Romania's far-right presidential candidate denounces canceled vote at closed polling station
Behind a door deep within the lower floors of the National Library of Scotland lies a forgotten street which gives a glimpse of how Edinburgh looked centuries ago. Libberton's Wynd, in the heart of the old city, was demolished to make way for George IV Bridge in the 1830s – but part of the street still remains. It can be found between the bridge walls and the library building, with access through a hidden door. The corridor – which has been named The Void by library staff – is not open to the public, but BBC Scotland News has been allowed to see inside. It was discovered by library officials in the 1990s when they broke down a small hatch on a wall behind filing cabinets, then crawled through it. They found a passage with arches into chambers and rooms which are thought to have once been storage in the bridge. Bill Jackson, former director of the library, told BBC Scotland News he found old rotten furniture, ledgers, shoes and a slate urinal that were all more than 100 years old, but were waterlogged and damaged. "My torch was hardly illuminating anything, it was very dark when I went through and a bit scary and I wanted to get out of there. "It was fascinating though." Since then he has fitted lights and another door at the Cowgate end of The Void. The library’s rooms were built on top of foundations, which can still be seen, of buildings that were demolished in Libberton's Wynd to make way for George IV Bridge. Robbie Mitchell, a reference assistant at the library, said that inside the passageway you could see the brickwork of the library's lower levels and the bridge’s stonework. "Although not a preserved street like Mary Stair's Close, this nevertheless offers us a glimpse of the Edinburgh of centuries ago,” he said. "There are several maps and accounts of the Old Town in the library's collections which help us build an atmospheric picture of the neighbourhood on which both George IV Bridge and the library now stand, and what was there before The Void." George IV Bridge was built as a route to connect the centre of Edinburgh - the Royal Mile - over the Cowgate, which was in a valley, to the south side of the city. Its arches had chambers built into them on several floors for storage for the shops at the top of the bridge. Libberton's Wynd was the route from the Cowgate to Edinburgh's gallows in a section of the Royal Mile called The Lawnmarket - before it was demolished to make way for the bridge. Later, The National Library of Scotland was built on top of the bridge, with floors running all the way down into the Cowgate below. The bridge was built on Libberton Wynd's foundations, which can still be seen in The Void. The corridor runs for several hundred feet at a steep gradient. Officials have widened the entrance so there is now a full-sized door. Some of the chambers are now used to store huge water tanks for the library's sprinkler system. Mr Mitchell said that large crowds, often several thousands strong, attended the executions which took place at the city gallows where Libberton's Wynd joined the Lawnmarket. One of the most infamous figures to have been executed there was body-snatcher and murderer William Burke in January 1829. Libberton's Wynd was also famed for housing one of the city's best-known taverns, which was called The Mermaid before it became Johnnie Dowie's Tavern. Taverns were key features of Edinburgh's Old Town communities, and patrons often came from various social classes. John Dowie was described in accounts as "the sleekest and kindest of landlords". He always wore "a cocked hat, buckles at the knees and shoes, as well as a cross-handled cane, over which he stooped in his gait". Mr Mitchell said the most popular drink had been the Edinburgh Ale brewed and supplied by Archibald Younger. This was described as "a potent fluid which almost glued the lips of the drinker together, and of which few, therefore, could dispatch more than a bottle". Mr Mitchell said descriptions of the tavern, which occupied the ground floor of a tall tenement, gave an impression of the claustrophobic confines of the Old Town. About 14 people could fit in its principal room, which looked to the Wynd, but the other rooms were said to be so small that no more than six people could fit in each of them. They were described as being "so dingy and dark that, even in broad day, they had to be lighted up by artificial means". The Tavern was described as a house of "much respectability" and was a popular meeting place for "the chief wits and men of letters" in Edinburgh. It was regularly frequented by writers including poet Robert Fergusson, artists and many members of the judiciary. The smallest of its windowless chambers was an irregular oblong box which was commonly referred to as "the Coffin", and was believed to be Robert Burns' favoured seat in the Tavern. Libberton's Wynd was first referred to in the late 15th Century, but had been demolished by 1835. Local historian Jamie Corstorphine said entering The Void had been one of the most exciting things he had experienced. "The name of the wynd probably came from Henry Libberton, who had a large property on the wynd - or if not him, then his family, who remained in the house for many years after his death in 1501. "The street had merchants, barbers, a shoemaker, grocers, custom house, vinters, cork-cutters, silver turners, hosiers and glaziers. "It was a very busy street that would have been full of life at the time."‘Clear route back to government’ declares Martin as FF & FG set to keep SF out of power again while Hutch still in fightSyracuse hosts Georgetown for milestone battle in longtime rivalry
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