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( MENAFN - EIN Presswire) Generative Artificial Intelligence (AI) In financial Services Global market Report 2024 - Market Size, Trends, And Global Forecast 2024-2033 The Business Research Company's Early Year-End Sale! Get up to 30% off detailed market research reports-for a limited time only! LONDON, GREATER LONDON, UNITED KINGDOM, December 9, 2024 /EINPresswire / -- The Business Research Company's Early Year-End Sale! Get up to 30% off detailed market research reports-limited time only! What Will the Generative AI in Financial Services Market Size Be in The Coming Years? The generative artificial intelligence AI in financial services market size has grown exponentially in recent years and is expected to continue its ascent. It is expected to grow from $1.10 billion in 2023 to $1.44 billion in 2024, reflecting a compound annual growth rate CAGR of 30.7%. This growth during the historic period can be attributed to rising digital transformation, increased data availability, demand for personalization, operational efficiency, and investment in technology. To request detailed insights into the generative AI in financial services market, access the sample report at: What Are the Drivers and Trends Fueling the Growth of the Generative AI in Financial Services Market? The generative AI in financial services market size is expected to see exponential growth in the next few years. It will grow to $4.24 billion in 2028 at a CAGR of 31.0%. The projected growth can be attributed to the growing application of generative AI in fraud detection and prevention, enhanced reporting capabilities, globalization of financial services, collaboration with fintech, and rising AI literacy. Major trends in the forecast period include the development of collaborative AI solutions, the rise of personalized financial products, the increased adoption of AI solutions, the emergence of AI-driven investment strategies, and integration with blockchain technology. A significant impetus for growth is the endeavor to combat financial fraud. Financial fraud involves deceitful practices to gain an unfair financial advantage or cause financial loss to individuals or organizations. The rise in financial fraud, due to the growth of digital financial services and online transactions, increased use of digital platforms, and sophistication of fraud techniques, is expected to propel the growth of the generative AI market. Generative AI can create synthetic datasets that simulate real-world scenarios, including fraud, which can train and test fraud detection algorithms, improving their ability to recognize new and evolving fraud tactics without compromising accurate customer data. To gain more insights into the generative AI in financial services market, visit the complete report at: Who Are the Key Players in the Generative AI in Financial Services Market? In the generative AI in financial services market, major companies operating include Google LLC, Microsoft Corporation, JPMorgan Chase & Co., Amazon Web Services Inc., Wells Fargo, Citigroup Inc., Intel Corporation, IBM Corporation, American Express Banking Corp., Morgan Stanley, Goldman Sachs, Salesforce Inc., Fidelity Investments, Capgemini, Mastercard International Inc., Charles Schwab Corp., Cognizant, Infosys Ltd., HSBC Holdings Plc, Broadridge Financial Solutions Inc., Zeta Global, Simform Solutions, Narrative Science, Miquido, Zapata Computing Inc. These leading companies are vying for a substantial market share and are focusing on developing advanced technologies, such as generative AI tools, to produce highly accurate, data-driven outputs while automating complex tasks and adapting to new information in real-time. One standout instance is the Generative AI Tool for the Financial Services Industry launched by Hapax, a US-based financial service startup, in April 2024. This tool fulfills industry-specific knowledge requirements, decision-making capabilities, and valuable assets for banks and other similar businesses, with particular emphasis on addressing the information-access disparities between large and smaller banks. How Is the Generative AI in Financial Services Market Segmented? The generative artificial intelligence AI in financial services market covered in this report is segmented – 1 By Type: Solutions, Services 2 By Deployment Mode: Cloud, On-Premises 3 By Application: Credit Scoring, Fraud Detection, Risk Management, Forecasting And Reporting, Other Applications What Are the Regional Insights Into the Generative AI in Financial Services Market? In terms of regional insights, North America was the largest region in the generative artificial intelligence AI in financial services market in 2023. Asia-Pacific is expected to be the fastest-growing region in the forecast period. Browse Through More Similar Reports By The Business Research Company: Generative AI In Gaming Global Market Report 2024 Generative AI Global Market Report 2024 Generative Artificial Intelligence In Development And Operations (DevOps) Global Market Report 2024 About The Business Research Company Learn More About The Business Research Company. With over 15000+ reports from 27 industries covering 60+ geographies, The Business Research Company has built a reputation for offering comprehensive, data-rich research and insights. Armed with 1,500,000 datasets, the optimistic contribution of in-depth secondary research, and unique insights from industry leaders, you can get the information you need to stay ahead in the game. Contact us at: The Business Research Company: Americas +1 3156230293 Asia +44 2071930708 Europe +44 2071930708 Email us at ... Follow us on: LinkedIn: YouTube: Global Market Model: global-market-model Oliver Guirdham The Business Research Company +44 20 7193 0708 email us here Visit us on social media: Facebook X LinkedIn Legal Disclaimer: EIN Presswire provides this news content "as is" without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. 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White House pressing Ukraine to draft 18-year-olds so it has enough troops to battle RussiaCloud Itsm Market Size, Forecast 2031 by Key Companies- Axios Systems, BMC Software, CA Technologies, Citrix Systems, Hewlett Packard EnterpriseNone
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PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
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MURRAY, Ky. (AP) — Jacobi Wood had 23 points in Murray State's 73-53 victory against Southeast Missouri State on Sunday night. Wood also added nine rebounds for the Racers (6-2, 1-0 Missouri Valley Conference). Nick Ellington added 15 points while going 6 of 8 and 3 of 6 from the free-throw line while they also had eight rebounds and three steals. Terence Harcum had 12 points and shot 4 for 12, including 3 for 7 from beyond the arc. Brendan Terry led the Redhawks (3-6) in scoring, finishing with 12 points and six rebounds. Southeast Missouri State also got 12 points from Tedrick Washington Jr.. Rob Martin finished with eight points and five assists. Murray State got a team-high eight points across the first half from Ellington, but it was only enough to head to the locker room with the score tied at the half 33-33. Wood scored 20 points in the second half to help lead the way as Murray State went on to secure a victory, outscoring Southeast Missouri State by 20 points in the second half. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .
CALGARY, Alberta (AP) — A Ukrainian girls’ hockey team is in Canada for a few days of peace and hockey in an arena that doesn’t have a missile-sized hole in its roof. After 56 hours of travel to Calgary, including a 24-hour bus ride from Dnipro to Warsaw, Poland, that required army escort for a portion of it, the Ukrainian Wings will join Wickfest, Hayley Wickenheiser’s annual girls’ hockey festival, on Thursday. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.French Premier Warns of Market ‘Storm’ If Budget Voted Down
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Thanksgiving Weekend Sports Guide: Your roadmap to NFL matchups, other games, times, oddsLast month, Cynthia Erivo and Ariana Grande created social media’s new favorite meme during an interview with journalist Tracy Gilchrist as they promoted their movie musical, "Wicked." One exchange from the conversation went massively viral after Gilchrist mysteriously informed the film’s stars that fans were “holding space” for the lyrics of “Defying Gravity,” one of the musical’s most iconic songs. Gilchrist asked Grande and Erivo if they knew that “people are taking the lyrics of ‘Defying Gravity’ and really holding space with that and feeling power in that,” which prompted an emotional response from Erivo. Neither of them seemed to know exactly how to reply, and Grande took hold of Erivo’s finger as they looked at one another. In a new " Variety " feature with director Jon M. Chu, they discussed the moment and what was going on in their minds. “I was surprised, because I had no idea. I hadn’t been looking that much,” Erivo said. At the time, Gilchrist asserted that she had seen people treating the song with reverence because she works in “queer media.” “I honestly didn’t know what that meant—am I also in queer media, maybe?” Erivo explained. “Work! Let’s both be there.” Grande chimed in, “I didn’t know what any part of it meant. I didn’t understand the first sentence, and then I definitely didn’t understand how you responded. And I just wanted to be there. Because I knew something big was happening, and I didn’t know how to be there.” “After a while, I didn’t know how to be there,” Erivo replied. About the finger grab, Grande said, “I’m going to grab this, because she looks like you might need something. I don’t know what the tapping was about.” Erivo then said it was simply “tension.” Grande praised Gilchrist despite the shared confusion in the moment, saying, “She’s also an amazing interviewer and a lovely person. That goes without saying...I feel really relieved that the world had the same experience with this moment that I did, because I felt like, ‘Oh, I’m not broken.’” After the clip first went viral, Gilchrist clarified her meaning with Variety , saying, “‘Holding space’ is being physically, emotionally and mentally present with someone or something,” and that people were “finding solace or inspiration” in the song following Donald Trump’s election.
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