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jili apps casino Walmart’s DEI rollback signals a profound shift in the wake of Trump’s election victoryIn a season of raised expectations due to the arrivals of Dylan Harper and Ace Bailey, Rutgers is experiencing some underwhelming moments. Off to a mediocre start through 12 games, Rutgers faces a tough test in its final nonconference game Monday night when it hosts Columbia in Piscataway, N.J. Rutgers (7-5) is hoping to avoid a second straight loss to an Ivy League opponent, and the Lions (11-1) are off to a better start than Princeton (9-4), which beat the Scarlet Knights on Dec. 21 in Newark, N.J. Four of the Scarlet Knights' losses are by five points or fewer, including a two-point loss to Kennesaw State and the 83-82 defeat to Princeton when it gave up a last-second basket along with 19 offensive rebounds and 23 second-chance points. It was the sixth time Rutgers allowed at least 80 points this season and it is 2-4 in those games. "I thought we played hard and did some good things out there, but a lot of second shots and just gotta be one possession better," Rutgers coach Steve Pikiell said. "We scored plenty of points to win." Harper scored 22 points and has scored at least 20 in four straight games and 10 of 12. Bailey collected 15 points and 12 rebounds but has shot less than 50 percent in five of his past eight games after making 6 of 16 shots vs. Princeton. Columbia has lost the past 10 meetings and is seeking its second win over a power-conference opponent. The Lions earned a 90-80 win at Villanova on Nov. 6 and are on a three-game winning streak since a 15-point loss to Albany on Dec. 4. Columbia is averaging 83.3 points so far and scored at least 80 for the ninth time when it shot a season-beat 57.7 percent (30 of 52) in Saturday's 85-72 win over Fairfield. The Lions are led by Geronimo Rubio De La Rosa, whose 19.6 scoring average is third in the Ivy League. Rubio De La Rosa is also shooting 53.7 percent and is second in the Ivy League at 46.4 percent from 3-point range. Rubio De La Rosa has scored at least 20 points seven times, including a 27-point outing against Fairfield when he shot 8-of-15 after a scoreless opening half. Rubio De La Rosa also scored 22 in Columbia's win over Villanova. "With the break we had we just need to get into it, I wasn't surprised we were so slow in the first half," Columbia coach Jim Engles said. "Now we got to play top-five draft picks, so that's bad scheduling." --Field Level MediaBryant defeats Tennessee State 97-85

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NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump will ring the opening bell at the New York Stock Exchange Thursday after being recognized for the second time by Time magazine as its person of the year. Watch Trump speak at the New York Stock Exchange in the player above. The honors for the businessman-turned-politician are a measure of Trump's remarkable comeback from an ostracized former president who refused to accept his election loss four years ago to a president-elect who won the White House decisively in November. READ MORE: Trump invites China's Xi to his presidential inauguration, even as he threatens Beijing with tariffs Before he was set to ring the opening bell at 9:30 a.m., a first for him, Trump spoke at the exchange and called it "a tremendous honor." "Time Magazine, getting this honor for the second time, I think it like it better this time actually," he said. Sam Jacobs, Time's editor in chief, announced on NBC's "Today" show that Trump was Time's 2024 Person of the Year. Jacobs said Trump was someone who "for better or for worse, had the most influence on the news in 2024." "This is someone who made an historic comeback, who reshaped the American presidency and who's reordering American politics," Jacobs said. "It's hard to argue with the fact that the person who's moving into the Oval Office is the most influential person in news." He added that "there's always a hot debate" at the magazine over the honor, "although I have to admit that this year was an easier decision than years past." In an interview with the magazine published Thursday, Trump spoke about his final campaign blitz and election win. "I called it '72 Days of Fury,'" Trump said. "We hit the nerve of the country. The country was angry." Trump was on Wall Street to mark the ceremonial start of the day's trading. The Time magazine cover featuring him was projected onto a wall at the stock exchange, flanked by American flags. Trump took the...

Murdered Sara Sharif was less than a week old when concerns were raised about her care, newly-reportable details show, as the Prime Minister said questions must be answered about the “shocking” case. The 10-year-old girl’s battered body was discovered at her family home in Woking, Surrey in August last year, with members of her family having already fled to Pakistan with her siblings and half-siblings. Following the conviction of Sara’s father Urfan Sharif, 42, and stepmother Beinash Batool, 30, for her murder, and uncle Faisal Malik, 29, of causing or allowing her death, previously unreportable details about the family’s contact with social services and the courts have been published. They include: – Concerns were raised about Sara’s care within a week of her birth in 2013, with her parents Urfan and Olga Sharif known to social services as early as 2010. – Surrey County Council repeatedly raised “significant concerns” that Sara was likely to suffer physical and emotional abuse at the hands of her parents. – There were three sets of family court proceedings but allegations that Urfan Sharif was physically abusing Sara and her siblings were never tested in court. – Sara was repeatedly returned to her parents’ care before finally being placed with her father and stepmother at their home in Woking in 2019, four years before she was murdered there. – Sara’s siblings and half-siblings were taken to Pakistan following her murder and they remain in the city of Jhelum, Pakistan, with their paternal grandfather, with efforts to return them to the UK still ongoing. Their identities are protected by a court order. Sir Keir Starmer described the case as “awful” and stressed the importance of safeguards for children being home-schooled in particular – as Sara was in the last months of her life. The trial of Sara’s killers heard that in January 2023 she had begun wearing a hijab to cover up her bruises at school and while teachers noticed marks on her face and referred her to social services in March, the case was dropped within days. She was taken out of school by her family in April, with the violence against her intensifying in the weeks before she died. Sir Keir said the case was one of violence and abuse and described it as “just shocking” to read about, adding: “Obviously, there’s going to be questions that need to be answered in relation to this case”. He said these related to “making sure that (there are) protecting safeguards for children, particularly those being home-schooled”. Cabinet minister Lucy Powell indicated on Thursday that details on how these will be made stronger will be announced “imminently”. As part of previously announced reforms to children’s social care, the Government said it would be introducing a new duty on parents where, if their child is subject to a child protection inquiry or is on a child protection plan – meaning the child is suspected of being at risk of significant harm – they will need local authority consent to home educate them. The plans, under the Children’s Wellbeing Bill, also include requiring local authorities to have registers of children not in school, in a bid to avoid children slipping under the radar. The Bill has not yet begun making its way through Parliament, but it is understood it could be introduced in the Commons as early as next week. England’s Children’s Commissioner, Dame Rachel de Souza, has described it as “madness” that an at-risk child could be taken out of school, and called for a change in the law so children who are suspected victims of abuse cannot be home educated. She called on the Government to bring in its reforms “without delay”. The Department for Education has said its plans will bring in greater safeguards for children in home education “so this can never be used to conceal abuse”. Figures published on Thursday showed that local authorities in England reported 111,700 children were in elective home education this autumn term, a rise from an estimated 92,000 in the previous autumn term. The trial, which concluded on Wednesday, had heard how Sara’s father had created a “culture of violent discipline”, where assaults on her had “become completely routine, completely normalised”. The new details reported on Thursday came after a High Court ruling that information about ongoing and previous court proceedings relating to Sara and her siblings could be published, following applications from the PA news agency and several other media organisations. Separately, a report published by the Child Safeguarding Practice Review Panel the day after the verdicts in Sara’s case showed that 485 children in England died or were seriously harmed by abuse or neglect, between April 1 2023 and March 31 2024. Panel chairwoman Annie Hudson described Sara’s case as “harrowing” as she called for a more joined-up approach to child protection, with a need for teachers, nurses, doctors, social workers, police and other professionals to share information to understand what is happening in a child’s life. Surrey County Council said an independently-led safeguarding review – known as a Local Child Safeguarding Practice Review (LCSPR) – of all professionals who had contact with Sara’s family is under way. Such reviews are aimed at identifying learning from cases and while no timeframe has been given, it is usually expected reports are published within six months.Jimmy Carter, the 39th US president, has died at 100

The Kansas City Chiefs will look to avoid suffering their second-straight loss when they face the Carolina Panthers on Sunday. Despite their 9-1 record and current position at the top of the AFC, the Chiefs have struggled with injuries throughout the season. Prior to Week 11, Kansas City took two of their injured starters, running back Isiah Pacheco and defensive end Charles Omenihu, off injured reserve. Jay Biggerstaff-Imagn Images After over a week of limited practice, many fans hoped that both players would be ready to return against Carolina. However, it seems neither player is ready to return yet, as coach Andy Reid confirmed that they will both be inactive against the Panthers. Pacheco has been out since Week 2 with a fractured fibula. Earlier in the week, Reid spoke about the energy he has brought to his recovery. Related: What Just 'Heightened' Mahomes' Locker-Room Attention? "He's a spark plug, emotionally," Reid said. "He's something that way, and he's worked his tail off to get to the point that he's at now. We've got to keep an eye on him that way. He would've played three weeks ago if he had his choice, but that's sometimes how it goes. I appreciate that, though, that mentality. That's what's helped him get to this point." With Pacheco out another week, the Chiefs will turn to Kareem Hunt to carry the run game once again. Meanwhile, Omenihu has been out since the AFC Championship in January with a torn ACL. With the severity of his injury, the team has taken his recovery slowly. Related: Is It Chiefs Isiah Pacheco vs. Kareem Hunt?Meta makes $1 million donation to Trump’s inauguration

It was revealed on-air this morning that Nikki Osborne will be joining the Nova 106.9 Brisbane breakfast team as part of the brand new Ash, Luttsy & Nikki Osborne show, launching in 2025. Osborne was on the phone after 8am on the Nova Brisbane breakfast show this morning and was welcomed to the show by her new co-hosts and O’Neill. The change of announcer comes in the final week of radio ratings for 2024. Many metro radio breakfast shows around Australia will go off air after Friday’s programs and not return for seven weeks. Commenting on her new role, Osborne said: “I have big flippers to fill but I’m confident Brisbane will warm to my ways. Sure, I get in trouble a bit, but I’ve got two big brothers in Ash and Luttsy and I have no doubt they’ll steer me even further off course! I love Brisbane. I grew up here and I look forward to having a good laugh with our listeners in this amazing city.” Ash and Luttsy added: “We’re excited to welcome Nikki aboard and join us for breakfast every morning. A Brissie local whose experience in the entertainment industry is second-to-none, we know Nikki will be an awesome addition to the team.” Nova Network’s group programming director Brendan Taylor made the decision on the new metro radio team member. Taylor said: “A proud Brisbane local, Nikki brings a wealth of experience and her infectious personality and comedic talent makes her a great fit for the show. We know our listeners will love spending time with Ash, Luttsy and Nikki in 2025.” Osborne has worked as a sketch comedy veteran, writer, trained actor and stand-up comedian across the past two decades. On social media presence, Osborne’s characters ‘Angry Aunt’ and the popular ‘Bush Barbie’ have earned her a large following and tens of millions of views. Her comedy credentials have earned her regular roles in sketch comedy television series including Mick Molly’s The Nation , Peter Helliar’s How to Stay Married and as narrator on the AACTA-nominated comedy series, Drunk History . Osborne has appeared as a guest on television shows including Hughesy, We Have a Problem and I’m a Celebrity Get Me Out of Here and competed in the 2024 season of Dancing with the Stars , making it through to the grand final. She also hosted game show Quizmania and lifestyle show Find Me a Dream Home and as an actor, Osborne’s credits include starring as Delvene Delaney in the Paul Hogan miniseries Hoges: The Paul Hogan Story . See also: Brisbane radio bombshell – Susie O’Neill quits Nova breakfast – ‘time to pursue other goals, professionally and personally’

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MORGANTOWN, W.Va. (AP) — Oklahoma co-defensive coordinator Zac Alley is being reunited with Rich Rodriguez at West Virginia. Rodriguez, who was hired for his second stint as West Virginia's coach on Dec. 12, announced Sunday that he hired the 31-year-old Alley as defensive coordinator and linebackers coach. “Zac is one of the top young defensive coordinators in the country and has proven his ability to lead and be an innovator at different stops during his career,” Rodriguez said in a statement. “I have worked with him several seasons, and he constantly impresses me with his ability to blend schemes with his personnel and develop winning results.” Under Rodriguez, Alley spent the 2022 and 2023 seasons as defensive coordinator and linebackers coach at Jacksonville State. Alley was the youngest defensive coordinator in the Bowl Subdivision at Louisiana-Monroe in 2021 when Rodriguez was the Warhawks’ offensive coordinator. In Alley’s lone season at Oklahoma, the Sooners ranked fifth in the Southeastern Conference in total defense, allowing 318 yards per game. “I have tremendous respect for Coach Rod, as I’ve seen how he develops players and builds a program,” Alley said. “I look forward to working with the players and doing my part to help WVU be one of the top teams in the Big 12 Conference and the nation.” Alley worked under Oklahoma coach Brent Venables as a graduate assistant at Clemson from 2015 to 2018 when Venables was defensive coordinator and linebackers coach there. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-footballPLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —-