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John Schindler is a well known American historian and writer. He was a professor at Naval War College and the author of several books, including the best-selling “Sowing the Dragon's Teeth: How American Greed and Righteousness Created the Next .” He also has written a series of books on espionage and national security as well as the behavior of modern warfare. He is a former officer and academic who now uses those lenses to inform his examinations of the intersection of history, politics and security. His best-known works often illuminate the implications of intelligence operations, as well as the strategic decisions that shape global events. John R. Schindler has made a name for himself as a prominent political commentator. Schindler's profuse writing provides a sympathetic view of current events that has gotten attention from a wide audience. He weaves wonky analysis with user-friendly prose, enabling a wide range of people to engage serious political topics. Through writing for platforms including the Examiner and Observer, he dedicates his efforts to shedding light on affairs at the national and international level. Schindler often covers foreign policy, and he sharpens his scissors when he cuts beyond the headlines to explain the complexities of foreign relations and how foreign governments affect American interests. His sharp instincts help make sense of the tactics employed by various countries and their leaders. Over this time he has highlighted the subtle issues that stem from changing global relationships — most notably the implications for American foreign policy. National security is another important theme in Schindler's writings. His former experience in the intelligence community shapes his views and gives his opinions depth and authenticity. It is good that Schindler is looking in the right direction, because figuring out and intelligence practices, not to mention military strategy is crucial to navigating the complexities of modern threats to security. He believes defying national security doctrine — adapting it to old and new threats, transitional ones and drastic — is required. John R. Schindler has examined several noteworthy events in international politics and given us something to think about concerning their consequences. In some instances, his criticisms of geopolitical postures taken by countries, including and , shed light on the game being played on the international geopolitical board. Schindler unpacks these events, allowing the audience to understand the larger implications of regional conflicts, alliances and power shifts. Schindler's commentary on U.S. intelligence practices feels particularly timely in our current political climate. He writes regularly about the and efficacy of intelligence operations, adding to the public debate about government transparency and accountability. His insights call into question the delicate balance between national security interests and civil liberties, an issue that has remained a point of contention in public discourse. Another major theme in Schindler's work is the changing face of global leadership. He specializes in assessing the behaviors and policies of major political leaders, and how their styles of governance impact foreign affairs. His analyses outline that effective leadership must contemplate the quickly shifting terrain of global politics, a lesson that seems especially relevant in modern discussions. John Schindler writes with the depth of someone who's been working in this world. He also has firsthand experience with the inner workings of national security, with a background in intelligence. His years in the intelligence community enable him to break down complicated international circumstances analytically. This background lends credibility to his observations as a commentator, giving readers access to a rare insider's perspective. Schindler is an academic as well as a practitioner. His educational background for his analytical work. He combines practical experience with academic knowledge, providing him with a distinctive and informed perspective on the issues of the day, earning his place as a trusted source of political commentary. John Schindler is one of the leading voices in establishing the narrative on security and political events. His written words ignite critical conversations about important topics, allowing readers to have thoughtful dialogues about the world around them. His active presence on social media, including John Schindler , only broadens his scope, allowing him to reach and educate a wider audience than print or television alone. The Schindler Perspectives are interactive activities that allow you to engage with an aspect of Schindler's perspectives. I cannot overstate the impact of John Schindler's work on public opinion. His knack for distilling complex events into digestible narratives helps keep the public informed and educated. His readers interact with his critiques and refine their own opinions of pressing matters, strengthening the quality of the electorate. Web based social networking stages work as an augmentation of Apfelstetler. However, on sites like John Schindler Twitter, he directly interacts with herdsmen and dialogues between expert material and public discourse. Such dialogue enables live feedback and enhances the discussion towards political matters over time. Written by John Schindler, Edited by Orion Rummler Schindler's regular stream of commentary helps to contextualize these changes for the public as evolve. His views, which are often circulated in the media, reflect and contribute to a synthesis of world events in which informed public discourse has a vital role. John Schindler is a deep well of knowledge: here, too, are dozens of his arch and insightful essays on national security, foreign policy and political commentary. His work not only educates policymakers and analysts alike, but helps empower the general public to be able to participate in meaningful discussions about national and global matters.Opinion: How to Survive Thanksgiving With Your MAGA Uncle—Or Radical Left Niece
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Since 1999, the EU and Mercosur (comprising Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and since 2024, Bolivia) have been negotiating a trade agreement. While an agreement in principle was reached in 2019, EU members refused to ratify the deal. Today at the Mercosur Summit in Uruguay, attended by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, the agreement took a significant step closer to finally coming into effect, with both EU and Mercosur states signing the deal. Tariff reductions: The agreement will remove over 90% of tariffs on goods exchanged between the two blocs, saving EU companies around €4 billion worth of duties each year. For some products, duties will be phased out over longer periods to provide companies in Mercosur countries with a sufficient amount time to adapt. Easier market access: Elimination of non-tariff barriers, discriminatory tax treatments, and the facilitation of trade in services. Sustainability: Provisions to ensure that trade does not come at the expense of environmental and labour standards. If approved by the EU member states and the EU parliament, this would create one of the largest free trade zones in the world. The EU and the five Mercosur states together make up 20.2% of global GDP, with the EU contributing the lions share with 17.4% (Brazil: 2.1%, Argentina: 0.6%, Uruguay: 0.1%, Paraguay and Bolivia: 0.04% each). In terms of population, the trade deal would unite 730 million people (450 million in the EU), or about 8.9% of the global population. While goods trade between the two blocs is still relatively small, totalling €109.4bn in 2023, the EU is Mercosur’s second-largest trade partner for goods, following China and ahead of the United States. Conversely, Mercosur ranks as the EU’s tenth-largest trade partner for goods. When it comes to trade in services, the EU has exported €28.2bn to Mercosur, while Mercosur exported €12.3bn to the EU in 2022. The trade deal is expected to significantly boost goods trade between the two regions. But here’s the catch, and the reason why the agreement hasn’t been signed in five years – it faces significant opposition. France and Poland, amongst others, are openly opposing the trade deal. Meanwhile 11 countries – Germany, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Luxembourg, and Czechia – recently called for the swift conclusion of the deal in a letter to the President of the Commission. Germany, for example, sees Mercosur as a key market for its auto exports. Currently, average car tariffs on imports into Brazil, for instance, stand at 35% compared to an import tariff of 10% in the EU. Food and agri products represent the biggest part of the EU’s imports from Mercosur, with total a total import value of 23 billion euros in 2023 (42% of total imports). The agreement will facilitate trade growth due to a mix of larger import quotas as well as reduced and removed tariffs and duties on products like beef, poultry, sugar and soybeans. That’s stirring discontent among EU beef, poultry, sugar beet and soybean farmers, given that their Mercosur counterparts can operate at lower costs. Other companies in the food sector are more supportive. This is either because they can benefit from lower input costs, like confectionery and soft drinks manufacturers, or because the deal creates better market access for European cheese, beer, wine and spirits exporters. For EU consumers, we would argue that any deflationary impact on food prices will be difficult to spot. Firstly, quotas will likely be expanded over multiple years to avoid market distortions. Secondly, quotas will be larger but they still represent only a small portion of total EU consumption. Thirdly, the costs of these products make up only a part of the final price that consumers pay. In the case of a premium steak bought in a restaurant, factors such as labour costs are also an important part of the equation. A trade agreement between the EU and Mercosur countries could bring some light to the darkness for the struggling European car industry. Current tariffs of up to 18% on autoparts and even 35% on cars are obviously not very beneficial for export propositions. EU countries exported €1.1bn of passenger cars to Brazil, the bloc’s largest market, in 2023 and Germany was responsible for almost 60% of this. Altogether – and including the largest category automotive parts – EU countries exported almost €5bn worth of vehicles and automotive parts to the Mercosur member states. Including Bolivia, the Mercosur members produce just about as many cars as their domestic sales annually, but a significant chunk of this is exported to the rest of South America as the continent hardly has any other production sites outside of Brazil and Argentina. South America has a production deficit of about 30%, making it dependent on car imports. South American car markets therefore provide more growth opportunities than the sluggish European home markets. Driven by high import tariffs, European manufacturers like the Volkswagen Group and Daimler Trucks have established their manufacturing sites on the continent. A reduction in tariffs could boost production in Europe, where occupancy rates are currently low. While critical for the EU’s economic future, raw materials like lithium are making less headlines in the coverage of the free trade agreement. That’s surprising, given that a) the EU is very dependent on China for critical raw materials, b) countries like Argentina, Bolivia and Brazil hold large reserves of some of these critical raw materials and c) EU demand for these materials is expected to massively increase. We’ve previously written about how demand for lithium batteries (which power electric vehicles and energy storage) is set to increase 12 times by 2030, while the bloc’s demand for rare earth metals, used in wind turbines and EVs, is set to rise five to six times by 2030. It may be difficult to quantify the exact economic value of having better access to these materials through closer ties with Mercosur, but we believe this particular element carried a lot of strategic weight for the EU Comission when striking the deal – especially as diversification or sourcing and securing supply is currently top of mind. The signing of the trade deal is expected to spark new protests from farmers – particularly those in France – who strongly oppose it. This response will mostly be borne out of a fear that the elimination of tariffs will lead to a substantial inflow of cheaper South American agricultural products, particularly beef, with products not meeting Europe’s stringent environmental and food safety standards. French President Emmanuel Macron might even face stronger pressure at home, given that he was unable to stop this deal and that it looks unlikely he’d sign the Treaty in the current political situation in France. In Poland, the Netherlands and Austria, farmers fear that the deal will lead to unfair competition, doesn’t meet the EU’s environmental ambitions, and contributes little to GDP for some member states. The expected GDP boost for the Netherlands is only 0.03% in 2035, compared to a GDP gain of 0.23% for Spain, for example. If the trade agreement is signed in its current form, i.e., a ‘mixed’ agreement including both trade and non-trade measures, it would necessitate approval from the European Parliament as well as all national parliaments. It would also require ratification by all 27 EU member states. While the EU can negotiate trade agreements on behalf of its members with a qualified majority, any agreement involving shared competence between the EU and its member countries must be ratified by each member state. Remember that also the Canadian-European Trade Agreement (CETA) has not been ratified yet by all member states. To avoid repetition of the CETA experience, the EU could therefore split the agreement into two parts: the pure trade agreement and the non-trade measure part. For the pure trade part, a qualified majority vote would be required instead of approval from all 27 members, meaning that at least 15 EU member states representing 65% of the EU population would need to approve. Consequently, at least four member states representing 35% of the EU population would be needed to block the deal. The same procedure had been in place for the tariffs against electric vehicles made in China. This agreement comes at a time when the world is facing increasing protectionism, with US President-elect Donald Trump returning to the White House. He has made no secret of his fondness for tariffs. However, protectionist tendencies are not solely limited to Trump. This week, Beijing announced export bans on key minerals such as germanium and gallium in retaliation against US controls on semiconductor technology. Additionally, new tariffs worth $18bn on Chinese products will take effect in January 2025 and 2026. Elsewhere, the EU has also stepped up its protectionist measures against China this year – and Mercosur countries aren’t holding back either. Brazil introduced import tariffs on electric vehicles (BEVs) of 10% at the start of the year, climbing to 18% in July and up to 35% in 2026. A trade deal between these two economic blocs would be welcome amid a global climate engulfed by a new era of protectionism, and would be significant step towards ongoing trade liberalisation. However, the likelihood of success remains slim – and we’re interested to see whether free trade supporters can prevail over the protectionists this time around. Source: ING
JOHNSON CONTROLS ANNOUNCES QUARTERLY DIVIDENDAbout 15 minutes before this match Emiliano Martínez was introduced on to the pitch for a touch of grandstanding, to commemorate the Argentinian becoming the first goalkeeper to win the Yashin Trophy twice. Then, about an hour later, Martínez exhibited quite why he is held in such high esteem, not that Aston Villa supporters required a reminder. Martínez’s fantastic, impulsive save to thwart Francisco Conceição midway through the second half denied Juventus the chance to seize the lead. Goalline technology showed Martínez kept the ball out by a few millimetres, a shaving of the starry Champions League ball remaining on and not over the Villa goalline. Juventus, regulars on this stage compared to Villa, got the point they probably deserved. The Juventus captain, Manuel Locatelli, stuck out a left boot to prevent John McGinn from converting a Leon Bailey cutback and in the first half Lucas Digne rattled the crossbar with a free-kick from the edge of the box. For Villa, a draw against the Serie A team will surely be seen as credible, but Unai Emery’s side are now winless in seven matches. The last time Villa went seven games without a win was under Dean Smith four years ago, when they – just about – escaped relegation, when McGinn and Ezri Konsa, an unused substitute here, were in the starting lineup. Emery has not gone seven games without a win since being dismissed by Arsenal in November 2019, a defeat at home to Eintracht Frankfurt, when Martínez was in goal for Emery, the final straw of a difficult run. Emery went six games without a win at the end of last season, when qualification for this competition had been rubber-stamped. For Villa, there is no need to panic, but a tricky run could feasibly be extended to eight matches by the time they head home from Chelsea on Sunday. On the eve of this game the Juventus manager, Thiago Motta, accused Unai Emery of bluffing after his Villa counterpart, who was Motta’s coach in the twilight of his career at Paris Saint-Germain, suggested he would be happy with a point. Motta insisted it was a poker face on Emery’s part and perhaps because Juventus arrived here so light on numbers. Juventus flew to England with a 17-man squad, minus Dusan Vlahovic, their star striker. Douglas Luiz, who has struggled since swapping Birmingham for Turin, was absent from the team sheet because of a muscle injury. The Serie A club named six substitutes, two of which were goalkeepers. Villa, meanwhile, welcomed back Boubacar Kamara into the base of midfield and Emery pushed John McGinn forward into a role behind Ollie Watkins. Morgan Rogers operated off the left flank. There was the familiar rally cry from Emery in his programme notes at the prospect of another memorable evening against a European superpower, even if their reputation has faded so slightly in recent years. Regardless of Juventus’s rich and storied past and Emery was adamant Villa had to be much improved to take anything from the game. Leon Bailey made a fast start, cutting in off the right flank to fire a shot at goal but this match was stodgy for almost all 46 first-half minutes. Villa’s frustrations were typified by the moment Youri Tielemans, the recipient of an early yellow card, was left hopping on the spot after the line to Watkins was snipped by an alert Federico Gatti in the Juventus defence. Download the Guardian app from the iOS App Store on iPhone or the Google Play store on Android by searching for 'The Guardian'. If you already have the Guardian app, make sure you’re on the most recent version. In the Guardian app, tap the Menu button at the bottom right, then go to Settings (the gear icon), then Notifications. Turn on sport notifications. Until Watkins registered the first shot on target, spinning in the box after seamlessly latching on to Kamara’s cannoned effort. Watkins swivelled neatly and sent a left-foot shot at goal off his laces, forcing the Juventus goalkeeper, Di Gregorio, into a fine save. From the leftovers of the subsequent corner Matty Cash saw a stinging effort blocked. Lucas Digne bent a free-kick on to the crossbar after Pierre Kalulu, a walking yellow card, was eventually booked by the referee for crunching Watkins. At the other end Francisco Conceição moseyed down the right flank before squeezing a weak shot at the near post, allowing Martínez to gather comfortably. Conceição was busy and proved difficult to get to grips with, his cross a few minutes into the second half the trigger for a handball shout against Pau Torres. Juventus hounded in packs. Khéphren Thuram sent a shot wide after Teun Koopmeiners shifted the ball infield after seizing on a loose pass by Bailey, who was almost punished for his high-wire act in keeping the ball in on the opposite touchline.Juventus’s big chance dropped on 65 minutes. Koopmeiners’s corner zoomed towards the back post, Conceição eluded Rogers and headed goalwards unmarked. For a split second, the Portuguese appeared to peel away in celebration, before realising Martínez had somehow prevented his header from going over the line. The goalkeeper plunged down to his right to repel the ball with his right glove, goalline technology showing he did just enough. Villa supporters crooned Martínez’s name in unison. Three minutes of second-half stoppage time had been and gone when Morgan Rogers thought he had snatched victory with surely the final kick. Teun Koopmeiners conceded a cheap foul on halfway, allowing Villa one last chance to pump the ball into the box. Diego Carlos rose to challenge the Juventus goalkeeper, Michele Di Gregorio, in pursuit of the high ball but it ran free and Rogers simply hooked the ball into an empty net. A VAR review apparently penalised the Villa centre-back. As Carlos headed down the tunnel, he offered the Spanish referee, Jesús Gil Manzano, a filthy look.
When baseball historian Bill Humber first heard about the golden at-bat idea that Major League Baseball commissioner Rob Manfred floated on a recent podcast, he was a little taken aback. “I kind of laughed, actually,” Humber said Wednesday. “I thought it was one of the stupidest ideas I’d ever heard.” MLB has seen its share of change of late, but the thought of a team using one at-bat each game to send any hitter it wants to the plate — even if it’s not their turn in the batting order — was quite a curveball. “This can’t be real,” former Blue Jays pitcher and seven-time Cy Young Award winner Roger Clemens posted on social media. Wild-card playoff tinkering, pitch clocks, shift rules and automatic runners are some of the more significant changes to the game in recent years. All had varying levels of detractors and the golden at-bat discussion is no different. Critics are eyeing it like a meatball thrown across the middle of the plate. “It doesn’t really fit within the logic of the game in my mind,” said Humber, a Canadian Baseball Hall of Famer. “I look upon it quite askance to be honest with you. I don’t see the point of it in a way. “I mean to some extent, the magic of baseball is those unheralded batters who arrive at a situation that one wouldn’t have thought that they would ever have been in, and allowing them to bat in place.” Humber cited a number of grand baseball moments that might not have happened if a golden at-bat rule were in effect. “One can imagine when Bobby Thomson hit his famous home run against the (Brooklyn) Dodgers in 1951, Willie Mays was on deck,” he said of the ‘Shot Heard ‘Round the World’ that gave the New York Giants the National League pennant. “What if they had a golden at-bat and put Mays at bat, maybe he would have struck out or popped up or hit into a double-play or who knows what. There’s lots of situations like that.” What about the two famous World Series-winning walkoffs? Would the skippers have used a golden at-bat to get their best pure hitter to the plate? Bill Mazeroski went deep to give Pittsburgh the Fall Classic in 1960 and Joe Carter’s walkoff blast in 1993 gave the Blue Jays their second straight World Series title. Mazeroski’s power numbers were middling while Carter, who led the Blue Jays in homers and RBIs that year, had a mediocre batting average. “I think the magic of the game are those moments that are unpredictable and yet kind of create some of the joy of the game in our memories,” Humber said. ” I think this kind of runs afoul of that tradition. “I’m not a fan, let me say that. But that’s not to say it won’t happen.” Manfred first mentioned the golden at-bat idea publicly in an interview with John Ourand on Puck’s “The Varsity” podcast. The commissioner said the subject came up at a recent owners’ meeting. Retired sportswriter Dave Perkins, who covered the Blue Jays for years over his long career at the Toronto Star, said use of a golden at-bat would be “a travesty.” “On the surface I say it’s absolutely stupid and ridiculous,” he said. “But a lot of other things I thought were stupid and ridiculous worked their way into the games and they’re even OK with me now.” The subject of potential rule changes like the golden at-bat came up when Blue Jays general manager Ross Atkins met with the Toronto chapter of the Baseball Writers’ Association of America earlier this week. “It’s interesting to me because we went through so much change over the last couple of years,” he said. “Getting to that change was a scratch and a claw and a climb. And then once the change happened, everyone — for the most part — thought, ‘OK, that went OK and it seems like there’s a better product on the field.’ “So now the dialogue around change is with a much more open mind whether it be players, staff, the exchanges, the ideas, even if they seem very difficult to wrap your head around. They’re not getting stiff-armed as much as they were the first go-round.” Scott Crawford, operations director of the Canadian Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, said he prefers a traditional setup where any player can be a hero at any time. “I like the team aspect of the game where you get your shot,” he said. “You can be a No. 8 hitter and you can come up with a big hit and win a World Series and (a superstar like Shohei) Ohtani can strike out.” This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 4, 2024. Follow @GregoryStrongCP on X. Gregory Strong, The Canadian PressPMI data, consumer sentiment in focus for Friday's economic releases
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DETROIT (AP) — Legend Geeter's 22 points helped Detroit Mercy defeat Purdue Fort Wayne 79-78 on Thursday. Geeter also contributed nine rebounds for the Titans (5-5, 1-0 Horizon League). Orlando Lovejoy scored 18 points while finishing 8 of 15 from the floor and added nine assists. Emmanuel Kuac went 4 of 9 from the field (2 for 6 from 3-point range) to finish with 11 points. Jalen Jackson finished with 17 points, four assists and two steals for the Mastodons (5-4, 0-1). Rasheed Bello added 17 points and four assists. Corey Hadnot II had 10 points. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .
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