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Jimmy Carter, the 39th US president, has died at 100It’s a daunting reality for Democrats: Republican Donald Trump’s support has grown broadly since he last sought the presidency. In his defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris , Trump won a bigger percentage of the vote in each one of the 50 states, and Washington, D.C., than he did four years ago. He won more actual votes than in 2020 in 40 states, according to an Associated Press analysis. Certainly, Harris’ more than 7 million vote decline from President Joe Biden’s 2020 total was a factor in her loss, especially in swing-state metropolitan areas that have been the party’s winning electoral strongholds. But, despite national turnout that was lower than in the high-enthusiasm 2020 election, Trump received 2.5 million more votes than he did four years ago. He swept the seven most competitive states to win a convincing Electoral College victory, becoming the first Republican nominee in 20 years to win a majority of the popular vote. Trump cut into places where Harris needed to overperform to win a close election. Now Democrats are weighing how to regain traction ahead of the midterm elections in two years, when control of Congress will again be up for grabs and dozens of governors elected. There were some notable pieces to how Trump’s victory came together: Though Trump improved across the map, his gains were particularly noteworthy in urban counties home to the cities of Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia, electoral engines that stalled for Harris in industrial swing states Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Harris fell more than 50,000 votes — and 5 percentage points — short of Biden’s total in Wayne County, Michigan, which makes up the lion’s share of the Detroit metro area. She was almost 36,000 votes off Biden’s mark in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and about 1,000 short in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. It wasn’t only Harris’ shortfall that helped Trump carry the states, a trio that Democrats had collectively carried in six of the seven previous elections before Nov. 5. Trump added to his 2020 totals in all three metro counties, netting more than 24,000 votes in Wayne County, more than 11,000 in Philadelphia County and almost 4,000 in Milwaukee County. It’s not yet possible to determine whether Harris fell short of Biden’s performance because Biden voters stayed home or switched their vote to Trump — or how some combination of the two produced the rightward drift evident in each of these states. Harris advertised heavily and campaigned regularly in each, and made Milwaukee County her first stop as a candidate with a rally in July. These swings alone were not the difference in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, but her weaker performance than Biden across the three metros helped Trump, who held on to big 2020 margins in the three states’ broad rural areas and improved or held steady in populous suburbs. Trump’s team and outside groups supporting him knew from their data that he was making inroads with Black voters, particularly Black men younger than 50, more concentrated in these urban areas that have been key to Democratic victories. When James Blair, Trump’s political director, saw results coming in from Philadelphia on election night, he knew Trump had cut into the more predominantly Black precincts, a gain that would echo in Wayne and Milwaukee counties. “The data made clear there was an opportunity there,” Blair said. AP VoteCast, a nationwide survey of more than 120,000 voters, found Trump won a larger share of Black and Latino voters than he did in 2020, and most notably among men under age 45. Democrats won Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin but lost in Pennsylvania. In 2026, they will be defending governorships in all three states and a Senate seat in Michigan. Despite the burst of enthusiasm Harris’ candidacy created among the Democratic base when she entered the race in July, she ended up receiving fewer votes than Biden in three of the seven states where she campaigned almost exclusively. In Arizona, she received about 90,000 fewer votes than Biden. She received about 67,000 fewer in Michigan and 39,000 fewer in Pennsylvania. In four others — Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin — Harris won more votes than Biden did. But Trump’s support grew by more — in some states, significantly more. That dynamic is glaring in Georgia, where Harris received almost 73,000 more votes than Biden did when he very narrowly carried the state. But Trump added more than 200,000 to his 2020 total, en route to winning Georgia by roughly 2 percentage points. In Wisconsin, Trump’s team reacted to slippage it saw in GOP-leaning counties in suburban Milwaukee by targeting once-Democratic-leaning, working-class areas, where Trump made notable gains. In the three largest suburban Milwaukee counties — Ozaukee, Washington and Waukesha — which have formed the backbone of GOP victories for decades, Harris performed better than Biden did in 2020. She also gained more votes than Trump gained over 2020, though he still won the counties. That made Trump’s focus on Rock County, a blue-collar area in south central Wisconsin, critical. Trump received 3,084 more votes in Rock County, home of the former automotive manufacturing city of Janesville, than he did in 2020, while Harris underperformed Biden’s 2020 total by seven votes. That helped Trump offset Harris’ improvement in Milwaukee’s suburbs. The focus speaks to the strength Trump has had and continued to grow with middle-income, non-college educated voters, the Trump campaign’s senior data analyst Tim Saler said. “If you’re going to have to lean into working-class voters, they are particularly strong in Wisconsin,” Saler said. “We saw huge shifts from 2020 to 2024 in our favor.” Of the seven most competitive states, Arizona saw the smallest increase in the number of votes cast in the presidential contest — slightly more than 4,000 votes, in a state with more than 3.3 million ballots cast. That was despite nearly 30 campaign visits to Arizona by Trump, Harris and their running mates and more than $432 million spent on advertising by the campaigns and allied outside groups, according to the ad-monitoring firm AdImpact. Arizona, alone of the seven swing states, saw Harris fall short of Biden across small, midsize and large counties. In the other six states, she was able to hold on in at least one of these categories. Even more telling, it is also the only swing state where Trump improved his margin in every single county. While turnout in Maricopa County, Arizona’s most populous as the home to Phoenix, dipped slightly from 2020 — by 14,199 votes, a tiny change in a county where more than 2 million people voted — Trump gained almost 56,000 more votes than four years ago. Meanwhile, Harris fell more than 60,000 votes short of Biden’s total, contributing to a shift significant enough to swing the county and state to Trump, who lost Arizona by fewer than 11,000 votes in 2020. The biggest leaps to the right weren’t taking place exclusively among Republican-leaning counties, but also among the most Democratic-leaning counties in the states. Michigan’s Wayne County swung 9 points toward Trump, tying the more Republican-leaning Antrim County for the largest movement in the state. AP VoteCast found that voters were most likely to say the economy was the most important issue facing the country in 2024, followed by immigration. Trump supporters were more motivated by economic issues and immigration than Harris’, the survey showed. “It’s still all about the economy,” said North Carolina Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson, a senior adviser to Democrat Josh Stein, who won North Carolina’s governorship on Nov. 5 as Trump also carried the state. “Democrats have to embrace an economic message that actually works for real people and talk about it in the kind of terms that people get, rather than giving them a dissertation of economic policy,” he said. Governor’s elections in 2026 give Democrats a chance to test their understanding and messaging on the issue, said Democratic pollster Margie Omero, whose firm has advised Wisconsin’s Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in the past and winning Arizona Senate candidate Ruben Gallego this year. “So there’s an opportunity to really make sure people, who governors have a connection to, are feeling some specificity and clarity with the Democratic economic message,” Omero said.
Imran Khan's supporters arrive near Pakistan parliament; govt calls in armySome 20 contracts worth a total of $70 million were recently approved for the Macomb County Sheriff’s Office to provide law enforcement and dispatch services and school resource officers for several communities and schools. The deals, finalized late last month by the county Board of Commissioners, include the addition of five addition officer positions and two vehicles in all – led by three deputy posts and one vehicle in Lenox Township, a sergeant and vehicle in Harrison Township and a sergeant in Macomb Township. A sergeant in Washington Township is expected to be added, too. The addition of sergeants on Harrison and Washington give those communities a single leader of the local police force for the first time. The three-year deals cover 2025-27 and have already been approved by the municipalities and school districts. Sheriff’s Cmdr. Jason Abro told the board at a committee meeting in the county Administration Building in Mount Clemens last month that his office and the communities are working well together. “We’re pretty pleased with all of the communities,” Abro said. “We are on the right track.” The contracts are renewals, albeit at higher costs, of existing deals with eight communities for law enforcement, some of which also include dispatching and one or two resource officers. Two deals with Sterling Heights and Clinton Township are for dispatching, which takes place at the county Communications and Technology Center in Mount Clemens. School-resource deputies are trained by the sheriff’s office for use by the schools. The increased presence of sheriff’s officers in the communities indicates the ongoing growth of the county, particularly in the north end. /*! This file is auto-generated */!function(d,l){"use strict";l.querySelector&&d.addEventListener&&"undefined"!=typeof URL&&(d.wp=d.wp||{},d.wp.receiveEmbedMessage||(d.wp.receiveEmbedMessage=function(e){var t=e.data;if((t||t.secret||t.message||t.value)&&!/[^a-zA-Z0-9]/.test(t.secret)){for(var s,r,n,a=l.querySelectorAll('iframe[data-secret="'+t.secret+'"]'),o=l.querySelectorAll('blockquote[data-secret="'+t.secret+'"]'),c=new RegExp("^https?:$","i"),i=0;iThe Denver Broncos had a bit of drama going on this offseason between them and their best offensive player, Courtland Sutton. If you remember correctly, Sutton wanted a new deal with a bit more money, and in a way, he got that. He wanted more guaranteed money, and they gave him that, along with some incentives. In other words, the Broncos set out some target goals of stats that, if he reached them, would grant him more money. Well, after a great start to the season for Sutton, who is looking elite in 2024, it's safe to say he will need the help of his rookie quarterback Bo Nix even more. He's just six yards from securing an additional $250 thousand and 321 yards from claiming the entire $1.5 million bonus that he initially signed on for with the extension the Denver Broncos gave him. Sutton already unlocked $500 thousand by eclipsing 500 receiving yards. The Broncos have a tough schedule coming up against some decent pass defenses. But, it seems like they are going to be very capable of getting the passing game going, especially when it comes to getting Sutton the ball. The Broncos are one of the hottest teams on offense the last few weeks. They dominated the Atlanta Falcons and really were in control the whole time against the Las Vegas Raiders. With a game against the Cleveland Browns next, the Broncos should be in good shape. This article first appeared on A to Z Sports and was syndicated with permission.
POSCO Holdings Inc. ( NYSE:PKX – Get Free Report ) was the target of a significant increase in short interest in the month of December. As of December 15th, there was short interest totalling 1,060,000 shares, an increase of 28.9% from the November 30th total of 822,300 shares. Based on an average daily volume of 347,900 shares, the short-interest ratio is currently 3.0 days. Approximately 0.4% of the company’s shares are sold short. POSCO Trading Down 0.8 % Shares of PKX stock opened at $43.37 on Friday. The firm’s 50-day simple moving average is $52.58 and its 200-day simple moving average is $61.23. The company has a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.27, a current ratio of 2.03 and a quick ratio of 1.45. POSCO has a 1-year low of $42.74 and a 1-year high of $96.98. The firm has a market cap of $13.16 billion, a P/E ratio of 15.22, a PEG ratio of 0.58 and a beta of 1.38. Wall Street Analysts Forecast Growth Separately, StockNews.com upgraded POSCO from a “hold” rating to a “buy” rating in a research note on Wednesday. Hedge Funds Weigh In On POSCO Large investors have recently bought and sold shares of the stock. Athos Capital Ltd purchased a new stake in shares of POSCO during the 3rd quarter valued at $11,373,000. Maven Securities LTD purchased a new stake in POSCO during the third quarter valued at about $10,191,000. Jane Street Group LLC increased its stake in POSCO by 2,229.6% during the third quarter. Jane Street Group LLC now owns 80,160 shares of the basic materials company’s stock worth $5,610,000 after acquiring an additional 76,719 shares during the last quarter. BNP Paribas Financial Markets raised its holdings in shares of POSCO by 32.1% in the 3rd quarter. BNP Paribas Financial Markets now owns 253,054 shares of the basic materials company’s stock worth $17,711,000 after purchasing an additional 61,528 shares during the period. Finally, Janus Henderson Group PLC acquired a new position in shares of POSCO in the 3rd quarter valued at about $3,497,000. POSCO Company Profile ( Get Free Report ) POSCO Holdings Inc, together with its subsidiaries, operates as an integrated steel producer in Korea and internationally. It operates through six segments: Steel, Trading, Construction, Logistics and Others, Green Materials and Energy, and Others. The company engages in the production, import, sale, and export of steel products, such as hot and cold rolled steel, stainless steel, plates, wire rods, and silicon steel sheets, as well as pig iron, billets, blooms, and slabs; trading of steel and raw materials, textiles, agricultural commodities, and other goods; natural resources development and power generation activities; and planning, designing, and construction of industrial plants, civil engineering projects, and commercial and residential buildings. Featured Articles Receive News & Ratings for POSCO Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for POSCO and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .
The 2025 Volkswagen ID Buzz 1st Edition 4Motion MicrobusVANCOUVER — A Federal Court judge has dismissed an appeal by a "deeply religious" British Columbia health executive who said he was wrongfully denied employment insurance after being fired three years ago for refusing to get the COVID-19 vaccine. Darold Sturgeon was fired as executive director of medical affairs for Interior Health in November 2021 after refusing to get the vaccine based on his Christian beliefs. He applied for employment insurance benefits but was denied due to being fired for "misconduct," with appeals to two levels of the Social Security Tribunal also failing, leading him to seek a judicial review in Federal Court in August 2023. The ruling says Sturgeon believed the tribunal should have examined his assertion under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms that the term "misconduct" did not apply to his case "because he was exercising his freedom of religion." Justice William Pentney says "recent, abundant and unanimous case law" defined a specific and narrow role for the tribunal's appeal divisions, focusing on an employee's conduct, and not justification for and employer’s policies or compliance with the Charter. The ruling says Sturgeon's appeal fell "outside the mandate" of the tribunal and he could have challenged Interior Health's mandatory vaccine police "through other avenues." These included advancing a Charter claim, lodging a wrongful dismissal suit or labour grievance, or complaining to the British Columbia Human Rights Commission. "The point is, there were other avenues available to pursue the Charter question; this decision does not cut off the only avenue of relief," the ruling says. It added of Sturgeon, who represented himself, that "no one has doubted that he acted based on his understanding of his religious obligations," and that he had "ably advanced his arguments." "However, despite his sincere and thoughtful arguments, the binding jurisprudence requires that I find against him," the ruling says. This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 26, 2024. Darryl Greer, The Canadian Press
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