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Jonah Goldberg: What if most Americans aren't bitterly divided?Jonah Goldberg Among elites across the ideological spectrum, there's one point of unifying agreement: Americans are bitterly divided. What if that's wrong? What if elites are the ones who are bitterly divided while most Americans are fairly unified? History rarely lines up perfectly with the calendar (the "sixties" didn't really start until the decade was almost over). But politically, the 21st century neatly began in 2000, when the election ended in a tie and the color coding of electoral maps became enshrined as a kind of permanent tribal color war of "red vs. blue." Elite understanding of politics has been stuck in this framework ever since. Politicians and voters have leaned into this alleged political reality, making it seem all the more real in the process. I loathe the phrase "perception is reality," but in politics it has the reifying power of self-fulfilling prophecy. Like rival noble families in medieval Europe, elites have been vying for power and dominance on the arrogant assumption that their subjects share their concern for who rules rather than what the rulers can deliver. In 2018, the group More in Common published a massive report on the "hidden tribes" of American politics. The wealthiest and whitest groups were "devoted conservatives" (6%) and "progressive activists" (8%). These tribes dominate the media, the parties and higher education, and they dictate the competing narratives of red vs. blue, particularly on cable news and social media. Meanwhile, the overwhelming majority of Americans resided in, or were adjacent to, the "exhausted majority." These people, however, "have no narrative," as David Brooks wrote at the time. "They have no coherent philosophic worldview to organize their thinking and compel action." Lacking a narrative might seem like a very postmodern problem, but in a postmodern elite culture, postmodern problems are real problems. It's worth noting that red vs. blue America didn't emerge ex nihilo. The 1990s were a time when the economy and government seemed to be working, at home and abroad. As a result, elites leaned into the narcissism of small differences to gain political and cultural advantage. They remain obsessed with competing, often apocalyptic, narratives. That leaves out most Americans. The gladiatorial combatants of cable news, editorial pages and academia, and their superfan spectators, can afford these fights. Members of the exhausted majority are more interested in mere competence. I think that's the hidden unity elites are missing. This is why we keep throwing incumbent parties out of power: They get elected promising competence but get derailed -- or seduced -- by fan service to, or trolling of, the elites who dominate the national conversation. There's a difference between competence and expertise. One of the most profound political changes in recent years has been the separation of notions of credentialed expertise from real-world competence. This isn't a new theme in American life, but the pandemic and the lurch toward identity politics amplified distrust of experts in unprecedented ways. This is a particular problem for the left because it is far more invested in credentialism than the right. Indeed, some progressives are suddenly realizing they invested too much in the authority of experts and too little in the ability of experts to provide what people want from government, such as affordable housing, decent education and low crime. The New York Times' Ezra Klein says he's tired of defending the authority of government institutions. Rather, "I want them to work." One of the reasons progressives find Trump so offensive is his absolute inability to speak the language of expertise -- which is full of coded elite shibboleths. But Trump veritably shouts the language of competence. I don't mean he is actually competent at governing. But he is effectively blunt about calling leaders, experts and elites -- of both parties -- stupid, ineffective, weak and incompetent. He lost in 2020 because voters didn't believe he was actually good at governing. He won in 2024 because the exhausted majority concluded the Biden administration was bad at it. Nostalgia for the low-inflation pre-pandemic economy was enough to convince voters that Trumpian drama is the tolerable price to pay for a good economy. About 3 out of 4 Americans who experienced "severe hardship" because of inflation voted for Trump. The genius of Trump's most effective ad -- "Kamala is for they/them, President Trump is for you" -- was that it was simultaneously culture-war red meat and an argument that Harris was more concerned about boutique elite concerns than everyday ones. If Trump can actually deliver competent government, he could make the Republican Party the majority party for a generation. For myriad reasons, that's an if so big it's visible from space. But the opportunity is there -- and has been there all along. Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch: thedispatch.com . Catch the latest in OpinionPay first, deliver later: Some women are being asked to prepay for their baby
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Coach DeMeco Ryans revealed the details of his injury Monday before announcing that Dell would have season-ending surgery for a second straight year. He fractured his fibula in Week 13 against the Broncos as a rookie last season and had surgery on it the following day. “He dislocated the knee, he tore the ACL, other things there he’ll have to get repaired," Ryans said. “So he’ll be out for the year.” Ryans didn't have a date for Dell's surgery for this injury, but said it would be soon. Dell was injured on a 30-yard touchdown catch in Houston’s 27-19 loss Saturday. He was coming across the back of the end zone and made the spectacular catch on a pass from C.J. Stroud before colliding with Houston teammate Jared Wayne on the way to the ground. Dell immediately grabbed at his knee and Wayne signaled for team trainers, who spent several minutes working on the wide receiver while teammates waited anxiously. Dell was eventually placed on a stretcher and driven in a covered medical cart off the field, and then he was taken to the hospital. He stayed in the hospital overnight before flying back to Houston on Sunday. Stroud, who is so close to Dell that he considers him a brother, cried the entire time the receiver was down on the field and for a while after he was taken away. “It was just not easy for me to sit there and be emotional,” Stroud said Monday. “But it’s something that we all go through in life and it’s easy to be a fake tough guy. It’s easy to go through life acting like everything doesn’t affect you, but deep down we all know we’re going through something.” Some criticized Stroud for crying. But he believes a display of emotion such as that was important to remind people of the human aspect of this game and the toll it can take on players. “It’s good for young men and women out there, kids who are brought up — and I was taught this too as a kid, not from my parents but just from the world, don’t let anybody see you emotional,” he said. “Don’t let anybody see you down and yeah there’s some truth to that in in certain aspects, but there’s also life and I think it was good for people to see me in that light and knowing that there is still a human factor to me and I’m a normal person.” Aaron Rodgers is still contemplating his playing future. The star quarterback knows if he returns to the field, it might be out of hands whether it's with the New York Jets. The 41-year-old Rodgers said last week that he'll take some time after this season, his 20th in the NFL, to determine what he wants to do next. On Monday, he suggested a decision on whether he'll return with the Jets could be made for him the day after the team's regular-season finale. “I think there’s a world where they just say, ‘Hey, thank you, we’re going to go in another direction’ on Jan. 6,” Rodgers said during his weekly appearance on “The Pat McAfee Show.” “That’s a possibility,” he added. "I think there’s also a possibility we’re going to wait and see who the new staff is.”
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