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From Aloysius Attah, Onitsha Former National Auditor of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and an aspirant for the party’s ticket in next year’s governorship election in Anambra, Sir Paul Chukwuma, has stated that Anambra has no laid-down agreement on the rotation of power among the senatorial zones in the state for the governorship seat. Chukwuma, who spoke in his country home, Nneyi Umueri community, Anambra East LGA, yesterday during a media parley with journalists, said the zoning pattern said to be operating in the state at present is entirely the arrangement of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), which the party created as it has perpetuated its rule of the state in succession since 2006. Chukwuma, who disclosed that he has never joined APGA and has always been an APC chieftain since joining politics, noted that his own party, the APC, has no such power-sharing formula in place in the state but is currently poised to take over power during the next governorship election. He noted that those pushing the zoning narrative as the election gets underway in the state were only doing so to hoodwink sentimental politicians, stating that candidates from other zones have always contested elections in the state during the governorship elections, irrespective of where APGA may have decided to zone the governorship slot. He bemoaned what he described as the terrible state of affairs in Anambra under Governor Chukwuma Soludo and said he possesses a clear vision of the issues in the Anambra polity and how to steer the state away from its present governance deficits. He lamented that civil servants are presently not smiling in the state, while the security of lives and properties is no longer guaranteed. He said traders and the organised private sector were being overtaxed in an inhuman manner, while there is a dearth of human capital development in Anambra. “I’ve presented myself for the service of the people with a clear-cut blueprint on how to turn around the state in a positive light. My administration will do everything, including the provision of security within the ambit of the law, shunning every element of nepotism and adopting a holistic approach to security issues in the state,” he stated.Commentary: Disney must add a new theme park to maintain market dominance
Described as a cult leader, attack dog for a foreign government, and contrarian, Frank Furedi used to be one of the foremost communists in the country in the 70s and 80s. Now, he lives in an unassuming Faversham townhouse, backs Brexit, rails against “woke” politics, and works for a Brussels-based think tank – so we sat down to hear about his life and times... “I haven't got very much time to run a cult,” says Frank Furedi in the office of his Faversham house. “Everybody that knows me knows that I'm the opposite because I'm a very private person.” Private or not, Mr Furedi has a very public presence. He is an emeritus professor of sociology at the University of Kent, though he says he never gets to Canterbury anymore as he’s busy with other things. He is in charge of a think tank in Brussels, the Mathias Corvinus Collegium, which is closely linked to the right-wing Hungarian government – and he has been labelled “the godfather of the cult”. Sleepy Faversham has been his home for about 20 years after working at the University of Kent for decades. At first he “didn't think very much” of our county, he says. “Kent was not the centre of intellectual life, and also at the time Canterbury wasn't like what it is now, it was much more quiet and sort of reserved. “But then in a funny kind of way, I began to fall in love with Kent. I don't know why, or what happened, but I began to like the local people. And I did a lot of walking so I really enjoyed the countryside, I still do, my wife and I go walking all the time. “I realised that this was a very nice place, particularly for me because I was doing a lot of high-pressure stuff, that this was a really good place to wind down and get on with life.” His hallway bears posters of philosophers Georg Lukacs and Hannah Arendt, and his office is littered with books and papers - aged Marxist tomes with well-worn spines to photocopied contemporary research papers. Twitter is open on his laptop. Nearer to his desk, and betraying a preoccupation of his, a copy of “Trans: When Ideology Meets Reality” by Helen Joyce protrudes from one of several floor-to-ceiling shelves. “Today, I think it's all with the culture wars, nothing else matters” he says earnestly. The Hungarian-Canadian academic has written almost 30 books, cranking them out with industrial efficiency. They aren’t pithily named and carry the hulking subtitles common to modern pop-political writing. ‘The War Against the Past: Why The West Must Fight For Its History’ is his most recent book. When he entered political life in the 1970s, his work was less Waterstones new releases table and more roadside stand at a demonstration. Mr Furedi was the first chairman of the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP), founded in 1978 after a succession of People’s Front of Judea-style splits over theoretical minutia which started in the International Socialists. The RCP arose from the tangle of limbs and literature as a fringe, disciplined and contrarian front, even compared to their Trotskyist contemporaries. Living Marxism magazine, which persisted as LM after the party wound-up in the 90s, was sued out of existence by ITN for libel after claiming in 1997 they had “faked” pictures of Bosnians interned in a Serbian-run camp in Yugoslavia. Before their tussle with the law, Living Marxism is a catalogue of the radical positions of which Mr Furedi was the primary architect. They interviewed Gerry Adams at the height of the troubles hailing him as “the man they tried to ban,” and called Margaret Thatcher the “dictator in Downing Street.” Many members of the RCP, including Furedi himself, adopted and wrote under fake names, fearing police surveillance and conflict with others on the political fringes. Paranoia doesn’t mean people aren’t out to get you. Evidence provided to the Undercover Policing Inquiry shows Special Branch paying close attention to Furedi and his comrades, infiltrating meetings and describing them as “a vociferous nuisance and irritant” after attending their 1983 conference. Grainy Metropolitan Police documents from the 1980s brim with information about the comings and goings of RCP members, their residences, and in some cases histories of street-fighting and arrests at demonstrations. The RCP dissolved in 1997, but the network of people involved in it, and with Furedi, has persisted according to some - Guardian writer George Monbiot has described Furedi as the “godfather of the cult.” “You never find people who were in the RCP calling me a cult leader,” Furedi insists. But he acknowledges the disciplined approach to reading and discussion he fostered in the party had an influence. “You were expected to do a lot of intellectual work, otherwise you wouldn't be in the RCP. It was like a laboratory of ideas. “That was, to me, the reason why we stayed together for such a long period of time. Because of the buzz that comes with discussion, debate, looking into books, looking into problems. “But for some people that's seen as bizarre. You know, ‘why aren't you partying on a Saturday night or something? Why are you going away for the weekend to discuss Hegel's dialectics?’ “People that have come out of it have a certain sense of themselves, and a certain sense of confidence and belief that they can make things happen. “There are many, many other people that are not named by Monbiot and all these other people, who went through the RCP. “There are a lot of people who are in a very influential position,” and hence the tendency for people to conspiracy-theorise about their influence. Munira Mirza, a former RCP member and PhD student of Furedi’s, served as a deputy to Boris Johnson when he was mayor of London, and adviser when he was PM. Claire Fox, a key member of the RCP in its day, is now Baroness Fox in the House of Lords, and was a Brexit Party MEP. Many other alumni are in academia or the media - especially Spiked Online, the effective successor of Living Marxism magazine. “I'm very proud of the fact that I've had 50 PhD students, and a large number of them I'm still in contact with,” Furedi says. “And we're still on the same page on most things, not everything. “That's the job of an academic - creating your own school. I try to influence people.” Many of that milieu, and Furedi especially, are now despised by the left as right-wing turncoats. They all supported Brexit, and the most prominent graduates are frontline soldiers in the culture war. He wrote for Spiked in 2021 an article headlined “the trans assault on free speech”, castigating “transgenderism” as “the indoctrination of young minds” driven by an “authoritarian impulse. In our interview he says mass immigration “undermines the very integrity of democracy,” and describes free speech as a “foundational freedom.” POLITICO magazine described him as “attack dog” for the right-wing government of Viktor Orbán. For many who see themselves as communists today, these are the indelible marks of the beast. “You know, I don't feel I'm right-wing, but if people want to call me right-wing, I don't particularly care.” “I mean, I call myself populist, humanist, or whatever, because these are labels that reflect my own self-image of what I think. “There are things I'm very conservative about, things like history, tradition, the family, you know, those roots that bind a community together. I'm very liberal when it comes to individual freedoms, freedom of speech, the right to choose, autonomy. And I'm very left-wing when it comes to economic matters.” Despite being in permanent opposition, Furedi says he is still optimistic: “There's no point in doing what I'm doing if I didn't believe that the world could be a better place. “There's no such thing as a hopeless situation.”
Asian shares were mixed on Monday after stocks fell broadly on Friday as Wall Street closed out a holiday-shortened week on a down note. U.S. futures were lower while oil prices were little changed. In Asia, South Korea’s Kospi added 0.6% to 2,418.80. But shares of Jeju Air Co. lost 8.8% after one of the company’s jets skidded off a runway , slammed into a concrete fence and burst into flames Sunday in South Korea as its landing gear failed to deploy. 179 people died in the crash. Political turmoil continued as South Korean law enforcement officials requested a court warrant on Monday to detain impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol. They are investigating whether his martial law decree on Dec. 3 amounted to rebellion. Tokyo’s Nikkei 225 index lost 0.9% to 39,914.21 as the dollar gained against the Japanese yen, trading at 157.83 yen, up from 157.75 yen. The Tokyo market will wrap up trading for 2024 with a yearend ceremony as Japan begins its New Year holidays, the biggest festival of the year. The Hang Seng in Hong Kong shed 0.3% to 20,030.63 while the Shanghai Composite index was up 0.3% at 3,408.72. Australia’s S&P/ASX 200 dipped 0.9% to 8,191.50. On Friday, the S&P 500 fell 1.1% to 5,970.84. Roughly 90% of stocks in the benchmark index lost ground, but it managed to hold onto a modest gain of 0.7% for the week. The Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 0.8% to 42,992.21. The tech-heavy Nasdaq composite fell 1.5%, to 19,722.03. The losses were made worse by sharp declines for the Big Tech stocks known as the “Magnificent 7”, which can heavily influence the direction of the market because of their large size. A wide range of retailers also fell. Amazon fell 1.5% and Best Buy slipped 1.5%. The sector is being closely watched for clues on how it performed during the holiday shopping season. The S&P 500 gained nearly 3% over a 3-day stretch before breaking for the Christmas holiday. On Thursday, the index posted a small decline. Despite Friday's drop, the market is moving closer to another standout annual finish . The S&P 500 is on track for a gain of around 25% in 2024. That would mark a second consecutive yearly gain of more than 20%, the first time that has happened since 1997-1998. The gains have been driven partly by upbeat economic data showing that consumers continued spending and the labor market remained strong. Inflation, while still high, has also been steadily easing. A report on Friday showed that sales and inventory estimates for the wholesales trade industry fell 0.2% in November, following a slight gain in October. That weaker-than-expected report follows an update on the labor market Thursday that showed unemployment benefits held steady last week. The stream of upbeat economic data and easing inflation helped prompt a reversal in the Federal Reserve's interest rate policy this year. Expectations for interest rate cuts also helped drive market gains. The central bank recently delivered its third cut to interest rates in 2024. Even though inflation has come closer to the central bank's target of 2%, it remains stubbornly above that mark and worries about it heating up again have tempered the forecast for more interest rate cuts. Inflation concerns have added to uncertainties heading into 2025, which include the labor market’s path ahead and shifting economic policies under incoming President Donald Trump. Worries have risen that Trump’s preference for tariffs and other policies could lead to higher inflation , a bigger U.S. government debt and difficulties for global trade. In other dealings early Monday, U.S. benchmark crude oil picked up 1 cent to $70.61 per barrel. Brent crude, the international standard, lost 1 cent to $73.78 per barrel. The euro fell to $1.0427 from $1.0433.
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