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It’s a daunting reality for Democrats: Republican Donald Trump's support has grown broadly since he last sought the presidency. In his defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris , Trump won a bigger percentage of the vote in each one of the 50 states, and Washington, D.C., than he did four years ago. He won more actual votes than in 2020 in 40 states, according to an Associated Press analysis. Certainly, Harris’ more than 7 million vote decline from President Joe Biden’s 2020 total was a factor in her loss, especially in swing-state metropolitan areas that have been the party’s winning electoral strongholds. But, despite national turnout that was lower than in the high-enthusiasm 2020 election, Trump received 2.5 million more votes than he did four years ago. He swept the seven most competitive states to win a convincing Electoral College victory, becoming the first Republican nominee in 20 years to win a majority of the popular vote. Trump cut into places where Harris needed to overperform to win a close election. Now Democrats are weighing how to regain traction ahead of the midterm elections in two years, when control of Congress will again be up for grabs and dozens of governors elected. There were some notable pieces to how Trump's victory came together: Though Trump improved across the map, his gains were particularly noteworthy in urban counties home to the cities of Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia, electoral engines that stalled for Harris in industrial swing states Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Harris fell more than 50,000 votes — and 5 percentage points — short of Biden's total in Wayne County, Michigan, which makes up the lion's share of the Detroit metro area. She was almost 36,000 votes off Biden's mark in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and about 1,000 short in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. It wasn't only Harris' shortfall that helped Trump carry the states, a trio that Democrats had collectively carried in six of the seven previous elections before Nov. 5. Trump added to his 2020 totals in all three metro counties, netting more than 24,000 votes in Wayne County, more than 11,000 in Philadelphia County and almost 4,000 in Milwaukee County. It’s not yet possible to determine whether Harris fell short of Biden’s performance because Biden voters stayed home or switched their vote to Trump — or how some combination of the two produced the rightward drift evident in each of these states. Harris advertised heavily and campaigned regularly in each, and made Milwaukee County her first stop as a candidate with a rally in July. These swings alone were not the difference in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, but her weaker performance than Biden across the three metros helped Trump, who held on to big 2020 margins in the three states' broad rural areas and improved or held steady in populous suburbs. Trump's team and outside groups supporting him knew from their data that he was making inroads with Black voters, particularly Black men younger than 50, more concentrated in these urban areas that have been key to Democratic victories. When James Blair, Trump's political director, saw results coming in from Philadelphia on election night, he knew Trump had cut into the more predominantly Black precincts, a gain that would echo in Wayne and Milwaukee counties. “The data made clear there was an opportunity there,” Blair said. AP VoteCast, a nationwide survey of more than 120,000 voters, found Trump won a larger share of Black and Latino voters than he did in 2020, and most notably among men under age 45. Democrats won Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin but lost in Pennsylvania. In 2026, they will be defending governorships in all three states and a Senate seat in Michigan. Despite the burst of enthusiasm Harris' candidacy created among the Democratic base when she entered the race in July, she ended up receiving fewer votes than Biden in three of the seven states where she campaigned almost exclusively. In Arizona, she received about 90,000 fewer votes than Biden. She received about 67,000 fewer in Michigan and 39,000 fewer in Pennsylvania. In four others — Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin — Harris won more votes than Biden did. But Trump's support grew by more — in some states, significantly more. That dynamic is glaring in Georgia, where Harris received almost 73,000 more votes than Biden did when he very narrowly carried the state. But Trump added more than 200,000 to his 2020 total, en route to winning Georgia by roughly 2 percentage points. In Wisconsin, Trump's team reacted to slippage it saw in GOP-leaning counties in suburban Milwaukee by targeting once-Democratic-leaning, working-class areas, where Trump made notable gains. In the three largest suburban Milwaukee counties — Ozaukee, Washington and Waukesha — which have formed the backbone of GOP victories for decades, Harris performed better than Biden did in 2020. She also gained more votes than Trump gained over 2020, though he still won the counties. That made Trump's focus on Rock County, a blue-collar area in south central Wisconsin, critical. Trump received 3,084 more votes in Rock County, home of the former automotive manufacturing city of Janesville, than he did in 2020, while Harris underperformed Biden's 2020 total by seven votes. That helped Trump offset Harris' improvement in Milwaukee's suburbs. The focus speaks to the strength Trump has had and continued to grow with middle-income, non-college educated voters, the Trump campaign's senior data analyst Tim Saler said. “If you're going to have to lean into working-class voters, they are particularly strong in Wisconsin,” Saler said. “We saw huge shifts from 2020 to 2024 in our favor.” Of the seven most competitive states, Arizona saw the smallest increase in the number of votes cast in the presidential contest — slightly more than 4,000 votes, in a state with more than 3.3 million ballots cast. That was despite nearly 30 campaign visits to Arizona by Trump, Harris and their running mates and more than $432 million spent on advertising by the campaigns and allied outside groups, according to the ad-monitoring firm AdImpact. Arizona, alone of the seven swing states, saw Harris fall short of Biden across small, midsize and large counties. In the other six states, she was able to hold on in at least one of these categories. Even more telling, it is also the only swing state where Trump improved his margin in every single county. While turnout in Maricopa County, Arizona's most populous as the home to Phoenix, dipped slightly from 2020 — by 14,199 votes, a tiny change in a county where more than 2 million people voted — Trump gained almost 56,000 more votes than four years ago. Meanwhile, Harris fell more than 60,000 votes short of Biden's total, contributing to a shift significant enough to swing the county and state to Trump, who lost Arizona by fewer than 11,000 votes in 2020. The biggest leaps to the right weren't taking place exclusively among Republican-leaning counties, but also among the most Democratic-leaning counties in the states. Michigan's Wayne County swung 9 points toward Trump, tying the more Republican-leaning Antrim County for the largest movement in the state. AP VoteCast found that voters were most likely to say the economy was the most important issue facing the country in 2024, followed by immigration. Trump supporters were more motivated by economic issues and immigration than Harris', the survey showed. “It’s still all about the economy," said North Carolina Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson, a senior adviser to Democrat Josh Stein, who won North Carolina’s governorship on Nov. 5 as Trump also carried the state. “Democrats have to embrace an economic message that actually works for real people and talk about it in the kind of terms that people get, rather than giving them a dissertation of economic policy,” he said. Governor’s elections in 2026 give Democrats a chance to test their understanding and messaging on the issue, said Democratic pollster Margie Omero, whose firm has advised Wisconsin’s Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in the past and winning Arizona Senate candidate Ruben Gallego this year. “So there’s an opportunity to really make sure people, who governors have a connection to, are feeling some specificity and clarity with the Democratic economic message,” Omero said.

Zion Elee, 5-star recruit from St. Frances, commits to Maryland footballGhana counted ballots on Saturday after a tight election with the ruling party's Vice President Mahamudu Bawumia trying to shake off anger over economic woes and rebuff a challenge by opposition party candidate ex-president John Mahama. Ghana's struggling economy dominated the election, after the west Africa gold and cacao producer went through a debt default, high inflation and negotiations for a $3 billion IMF bailout. Voters were choosing a successor to Bawumia's boss, President Nana Akufo-Addo, who steps down after serving the maximum of two four-year terms. They will also elect the country's new parliament. Voting was mostly calm, but one person was shot dead and four people arrested at a polling station in Nyankpala in the country's northern region, police and local media said. After polls closed at 1700 GMT, election teams immediately began tallying ballots under the watch of agents from political parties before sending them to collation centres. Preliminary results are expected early Sunday, with full presidential results scheduled by Tuesday. "Everyone is complaining prices are high. So I want a change, I want a good president who will bring in changes," Abdullah Mohammed, a student said after voting in Accra's Nima district. With a history of political stability, Ghana's two main parties, the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC), have alternated in power equally since the return to multi-party democracy in 1992. Touting the slogan "Break the 8" -- a reference to going past the usual two terms in power -- the NPP hopes Bawumia can lead them to an unprecedented third term. But he struggled to break away from criticism of Akufo-Addo's economic record. "I think we have done a lot of work with our message to the people and the message has been well received," Bawumia said after voting in his northern home Walewale. A UK-educated economist and former central banker, he points to an economy turning a corner and the government's continued plans for digitalisation to ease business, as well as free education and health programmes. But though inflation slowed from more than 50 percent to around 23 percent, and other macro-economic indicators are stabilising, the economic pain was still a clear election issue. Many Ghanaians still say they struggle with the cost of living, scarce jobs and a depreciated cedi currency. Frustration over the economy has opened the way for a comeback challenge from Mahama, who was president from 2012 to 2017 but has since failed twice in presidential bids. The NDC flag-bearer says he will "reset" Ghana and introduce a "24-hour economy", extending industrial hours to create jobs, and also renegotiate parts of the IMF deal. "Other elections have not been as obvious," Mahama said voting in his northern hometown. "With this one, everybody can tell the direction because of the abysmal performance of the Akufo-Addo-Bawumia government." Some analysts gave him an edge because of voter dismay with NPP, but the former president faced criticism from those who remember financial woes and massive power cuts during his time in office. Shoe saleswoman Esther Adobea said the economic situation hurt, but she was willing to give Bawumia a chance to make things better. "I can see he can handle the country for us. Our economy is not good, but he can do better," she said. Both major candidates are from the north of the country -- traditionally an NDC stronghold, but now more fragmented -- making the region a key battleground. While the economy was key, Ghana also faces an increasing risk of spillover in its northern regions from jihadist conflicts in Niger and Burkina Faso, where military juntas rule. The spread of illegal gold mining also became an election issue. Akufo-Addo promised to stop illegal mining, but it has expanded, poisoning riverways and impacting cacao farmlands -- a major source of export income. bur-pma/jmCox Enterprises Nearing One-Third of its Ambitious Goal to Empower 34 Million People to Live More Prosperous Lives by 2034

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Nebraska offensive coordinator Dana Holgorsen has no shortage of memories of the Iowa football program. An Iowa native born in Davenport, Holgorsen’s days as a Hawkeye fan are long in the past — but he remembers what it’s like to coach against them. An experience that Holgorsen first underwent as a young Texas Tech assistant in 2001 will be reprised again this weekend. “Twenty-some years later, it’s the same scheme, the same coach, the same everything; this is crazy,” Holgorsen said of Iowa. “It’s going to take another good effort and more improvement to be able to go to Iowa and play in that atmosphere against a good football team.” Nebraska’s recent surge on offense will have the Huskers feeling confident about their upcoming matchup. While Nebraska may not have equaled its recent 44-point outburst against Wisconsin during a loss to USC two weeks prior, foundational improvements were there from the start in Holgorsen’s eyes. Despite scoring 13 points on offense against the Trojans, the Husker offense “just felt better” in that game, Holgorsen said, leading to a “very motivated team” during the week’s practice efforts. And when NU hit the field on Saturday, improvements were there. After struggling to finish drives against USC, Nebraska scored five touchdowns in its seven red zone attempts against Wisconsin. Nebraska threw the ball well, protected its quarterback and found a "difference-maker" in running back Emmett Johnson. “We ran the ball better; that’s the second week in a row I thought the O-line has played well,” Holgorsen said. “Dylan (Raiola) hasn’t been hit a whole lot, he feels good, he’s getting better and processing things well. We’re throwing it and catching it better and our receivers are in the right spots.” It’s been no easy task to drive those improvements in a short amount of time. Holgorsen has only been in Lincoln for a little over three weeks, having first been summoned by head coach Matt Rhule to evaluate the team’s offense before taking over control of it. Midseason coordinator changes may not be rare, but hiring a new face from outside the program is, and Holgorsen admits it made for a “rough” first week on the job. After all, none of the Husker coaches Holgorsen was joining and players he was beginning to coach knew exactly how the situation would play out. Instead, they had to go through it together. “I started getting into the offensive room and those coaches were looking at me crazy like, ‘What are you doing here?’ It’s just true, so we had to sit down and talk and start feeling things out and start working together,” Holgorsen said. “Give those assistant coaches a lot of credit because they didn’t bat an eye. I thought we were smart with how we handled it — I could’ve came in here and changed specific things and that wouldn’t have been the right thing to do for the coaches and the players. I was the one that had to learn.” A desire to challenge himself was one reason Holgorsen said he took the Nebraska job, something which showed up in the new offensive language he needed to familiarize himself with. Having come up as a young coach in the Air Raid offense, Holgorsen exclusively learned, mastered and taught those principles in the years since. It had been 35 years since he last had to learn a new offensive language, Holgorsen estimated. Flash cards with terminology from the Nebraska offense and help from other assistants have helped smooth over that process. Holgorsen may not have been able to stamp his identity all over the offense yet, but he has been able to tweak things, including the very playbook Nebraska operates from. Rhule’s original concepts of a pro-style offense have been added to, transformed and adjusted over the years, with current coaches Marcus Satterfield, Glenn Thomas and Donovan Raiola all bringing different principles and focuses to the playbook. “There’s just all kinds of ideas, so that playbook got pretty big,” Holgorsen said. “I was just like, ‘Look, there’s only one sheet and whatever’s on the sheet is what’s going to get called.’” Trimming down the number of plays Nebraska practices is one such adjustment Holgorsen has made, a process that is collaborative among the Husker coaching staff. Holgorsen also said Nebraska was “probably playing people in too many different spots,” something he’s looked to change so players can focus on their individual roles with more accuracy. “We’ve done a good job of coming together and coming up with a plan of what makes sense to our players,” Holgorsen said. “If it don’t make sense to me, it ain’t gonna make sense to them.” Those changes, and the potential Nebraska showed on offense last week, have excited Husker fans about what the future of a Holgorsen-led offense will look like. However, nothing is guaranteed yet. Holgorsen said that when taking the job he told Rhule he’d get the team ready for USC, Wisconsin and Iowa before figuring out what the future holds. “I don’t want to talk about it, and I don’t want to know what’s next,” Holgorsen. What Holgorsen does know is that he’s enjoying the opportunity in front of him. In part because of the responsibilities he had as a head coach compared to being an offensive coordinator, Holgorsen said he had “more fun on Saturday than I’ve had in a long time” overseeing the Husker offense. As Holgorsen continues furthering improvements within the Nebraska offense, the only guarantee Husker fans have is that he’ll be on the sidelines Friday. It’s currently “the plan” that he will continue as Nebraska’s playcaller during its bowl game, Holgorsen said. “My plan’s to focus on Iowa, try to beat Iowa and see what happens after that.”

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(Bloomberg) — Nuveen LLC, the $1.3 trillion US global asset manager, is targeting wealthy Australian investors to tap into expected growth in the US private credit market via a new fund. The firm has launched its Nuveen Churchill Private Credit Income Fund, aimed at Australian private wealth, high net worth individuals and family offices, according to a company statement. Through investment, participants will have the chance to invest directly into Nuveen’s global US master credit fund, accessing predominantly middle market corporate debt. The US credit market is seen getting a boost from President-elect Donald Trump’s incoming administration, which will drive base rates higher and make US credit more attractive, said Mike Perry, Nuveen’s head of client group in an interview. “It’s a combination of rates being higher for longer and as the economy grows, private equity largely is going to look to continue to finance and use debt to grow businesses,” Perry said. US-based money managers, including Ares Management Corp., Blue Owl Capital LLC and Muzinich & Co. are increasingly promoting private-credit investments to wealthy Australians, a market that’s worth over $1 trillion, according to one estimate. They are selling private credit as a defensive investment against a potential stock market downturn, as the credit offers high returns in a period of elevated interest rates. Subscribe to The Bloomberg Australia Podcast on Apple, Spotify, on YouTube, or wherever you listen. Nuveen’s US master fund, launched in March 2022, is an open-ended vehicle with $1.5 billion of loans to private equity-owned firms in the US with earnings of between $20 million and $100 million, said Perry. Returns are between 10%-12%. Perry sees further opportunity in the alternative credit market – strategies focused on investments in diversified portfolios. Nuveen manages $224 billion in alternative credit, including direct lending, leverage loans, real estate credit and energy and infrastructure credit, he added. “In most markets, the penetration and allocation to non-correlated alternative investments is low,” Perry said. “For individuals, if they’re trying to save money to retire, this improves the risk adjusted return of those portfolios.” Nuveen’s new Australian fund has secured early commitments from domestic wealth managers such as Drummond Capital Partners, Stanford Brown and Morrows Private Wealth, the statement added, without disclosing how much capital was raised.

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