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PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.iwildcasino gutscheincode 。

Fulton Financial Co. ( NASDAQ:FULTP – Get Free Report ) announced a quarterly dividend on Tuesday, December 17th, Wall Street Journal reports. Stockholders of record on Tuesday, December 31st will be paid a dividend of 0.3203 per share on Wednesday, January 15th. This represents a $1.28 dividend on an annualized basis and a dividend yield of 6.30%. The ex-dividend date is Tuesday, December 31st. Fulton Financial Price Performance Shares of NASDAQ:FULTP opened at $20.34 on Friday. The stock’s 50-day moving average price is $20.34 and its two-hundred day moving average price is $19.26. Fulton Financial has a 12-month low of $16.57 and a 12-month high of $21.22. Fulton Financial Company Profile ( Get Free Report ) See Also Receive News & Ratings for Fulton Financial Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Fulton Financial and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .Brazil's top court takes on regulation of social media

TDP demands Jagan to come clean on Adani indictment caseEAM Jaishankar inaugurates new premises of Indian embassy in RomeNEW YORK — The holiday shopping season is about to reach full speed with Black Friday, which kicks off the post-Thanksgiving retail rush later this week. The annual sales event no longer creates the midnight mall crowds or doorbuster mayhem of recent decades, in large part due to the ease of online shopping and habits forged during the COVID-19 pandemic. Hoping to entice equivocating consumers, retailers already have spent weeks bombarding customers with ads and early offers. Still, whether visiting stores or clicking on countless emails promising huge savings, tens of millions of U.S. shoppers are expected to spend money on Black Friday itself this year. Industry forecasts estimate that 183.4 million people will shop in U.S. stores and online between Thanksgiving and Cyber Monday, according to the National Retail Federation and consumer research firm Prosper Insights & Analytics. Of that number, 131.7 million are expected to shop on Black Friday. At the same time, earlier and earlier Black Friday-like promotions, as well as the growing strength of other shopping events (hello Cyber Monday), continue to change the holiday spending landscape. Here's what you need to know about Black Friday's history and where things stand in 2024. Black Friday falls on the Friday after Thanksgiving each year, or Nov. 29 this year. The term "Black Friday" is several generations old, but it wasn't always associated with the holiday retail frenzy that we know today. The gold market crash of September 1869, for example, was notably dubbed Black Friday. The phrase's use in relation to shopping the day after Thanksgiving, however, is most often traced to Philadelphia in the mid-20th century — when police and other city workers had to deal with large crowds that congregated before the annual Army-Navy football game and to take advantage of seasonal sales. "That's why the bus drivers and cab drivers call today 'Black Friday.' They think in terms of headaches it gives them," a Gimbels department store sales manager told The Associated Press in 1975, while watching a police officer try to control jaywalkers the day after Thanksgiving. Earlier references date back to the 1950s and 1960s. Jie Zhang, a professor of marketing at the University of Maryland's Robert H. Smith School of Business, points to a 1951 mention of "Black Friday" in a New-York based trade publication — which noted that many workers simply called in sick the day after Thanksgiving in hopes of having a long holiday weekend. Starting in the 1980s, national retailers began claiming that Black Friday represented when they went from operating in the red to in the black thanks to holiday demand. But since many retail companies now operate in the black at various times of the year, this interpretation should be taken with a grain of salt, experts say. In recent decades, Black Friday became infamous for floods of people in jam-packed stores. Endless lines of shoppers camped out at midnight in hopes of scoring deep discounts. But online shopping has made it possible to make most, if not all, holiday purchases without ever stepping foot inside a store. And while foot traffic at malls and other shopping areas has bounced back since the start of the pandemic, e-commerce isn't going away. November sales at brick and mortar stores peaked more than 20 years ago. In 2003, for example, e-commerce accounted for just 1.7% of total retail sales in the fourth quarter, according to Commerce Department data. Unsurprisingly, online sales make up for a much bigger slice of the pie today. For last year's holiday season, e-commerce accounted for about 17.1% of all nonadjusted retail sales in the fourth quarter, Commerce Department data shows. That's up from 12.7% seen at the end of 2019. Beyond the rise of online shopping, some big ticket items that used to get shoppers in the door on the Black Friday — like a new TV — are significantly cheaper than they were decades ago, notes Jay Zagorsky, a clinical associate professor at Boston University's Questrom School of Business. "There is less need to stand in line at midnight when the items typically associated with doorbuster sales are now much cheaper," Zagorsky told The Associated Press via email. He pointed to Bureau of Labor Statistics data that shows the average price for a TV has fallen 75% since 2014. While plenty of people will do most of their Black Friday shopping online, projections from the National Retail Federation and Prosper Insights indicated that a majority of Black Friday shoppers (65%) still planned to shop in stores this year. It's no secret that Black Friday sales don't last just 24 hours anymore. Emails promising holiday deals now start arriving before Halloween. "Black Friday is no longer the start of the holiday shopping season. It has become the crescendo of the holiday shopping season" during what now feels like "Black Friday month," Zhang said. Some retailers have updated their official marketing to refer to "Black Friday week." Retailers trying to get a head start on the competition and to manage shipping logistics helps explain the rush, Zhang said. Offering early holiday deals spreads out purchases, giving shippers more breathing room to complete orders. Zhang therefore doesn't expect the five fewer days between Thanksgiving and Christmas this year to cause significant strain because retailers would have taken them into account. Linking pre-Thanksgiving sales with Black Friday is also a marketing technique since it's a name consumers recognize and associate with big, limited-time bargains, Zhang said. Multiple post-Thanksgiving sales events keep shoppers enticed after Black Friday, including Small Business Saturday and Cyber Monday, which the National Retail Federation's online arm designated in 2005. U.S. consumers spent a record $12.4 billion on Cyber Monday in 2023, and $15.7 million per minute during the day's peak sales hour, acccording to Adobe Analytics. On Black Friday, they spent $9.8 billion online, Adobe Analytics said. Enough people still enjoy shopping in person after Thanksgiving that the activity is unlikely to become extinct, Boston University's Zagorsky said. While Black Friday's significance "is being slightly diminished" over time, the shopping event is still "a way to connect with others," he said. "This social aspect is important and will not disappear, ensuring that Black Friday is still an important day for retailers."

A Baltimore judge has halted the against an Anne Arundel County gun shop, which sold thousands of untraceable “ghost guns” miles from city limits, ahead of trial because of a U.S. Supreme Court case that could determine the legal definition of a firearm. Baltimore’s case against Hanover Armory LLC had been scheduled to begin in early December, but Circuit Judge Shannon E. Avery froze it last week pending a ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court in . The case before the nation’s highest court is the gun industry’s challenge to one of President Joe Biden’s preeminent gun safety measures. By selling thousands of so-called ghost guns near city limits, Baltimore alleges, Hanover Armory helped flood city streets with untraceable firearms that police went on to confiscate at staggering rates in connection to crimes. “As long as people who are not legally allowed to possess a firearm — young people, known violent offenders and gun traffickers — have the opportunity to build these tools of death and destruction and violence, we will not be able to build the safer future for Baltimore that we all want,” Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott, a Democrat, said when he announced the lawsuit in 2022. “These weapons will continue to be used in crimes that tear loved ones away from their families and traumatize our communities.” The city estimates Hanover Armory was responsible for selling approximately 85% of the ghost gun kits sold in Maryland from about 2016 until June 2022, when the state banned such products. Over that time, Hanover sold 2,347 such products. The 15 other gun stores for which the city got records sold a combined 415 over the same period, according to court records. In 2022, Biden’s Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, which regulates the gun industry, also imposed further restrictions on the sale of ghost gun kits. Its new rule said the build-it-at-home gun kits amounted to firearms under the federal Gun Control Act of 1968, meaning dealers had to complete background checks on customers before selling and manufacturers had to mark the products with serial numbers. David Pucino, legal director and deputy chief counsel at Giffords Law Center, a gun violence prevention organization, said the ATF’s rule sharply reduced sales of ghost gun kits, leading the gun industry to challenge it in courts around the country. The industry won favorable rulings in Texas and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit which said the ATF overstepped its authority by making the rule. A decision from the Supreme Court could take months. Oral arguments took place in October. “The opinion will say whether that rule can be federal law. The rule says ghost gun parts are firearms,” Pucino, who is not involved in the city’s case, told The Baltimore Sun. Pucino said the Supreme Court’s ruling could have implications for Baltimore’s lawsuit, which brings claims under state and federal law. Pucino said the claims raised under federal law could be nullified if the high court ruled the ATF’s 2022 rule was improper. “Baltimore has a strong claim to win under state law no matter what happens with federal law,” Pucino said. Hanover Armory asked Avery to freeze the case, arguing that a Supreme Court ruling favoring the gun industry could end the case. Lawyers for Hanover also said going to trial against that backdrop would waste resources, potentially rendering a jury’s work “meaningless.” An attorney for Hanover declined to comment Wednesday. The city opposed a delay, saying in a court filing its case was poised for trial, “even if the U.S. Supreme Court went so far as to say ‘ghost gun kits can never be firearms.’” Baltimore’s lawyers wrote that its claims against Hanover included issues of Maryland law. “The City will put forward evidence that Hanover Armory negligently entrusted its parts and kits in a manner that foreseeably contributed to the harm suffered by the City,” the city’s lawyers wrote. “The city will also put forth evidence that Hanover Armory knowingly violated the Maryland Handgun (Roster) Law as an accomplice.” The city also said postponing the trial would exacerbate the crisis and delay a resolution. In addition to damages from the trial, the city is seeking to establish a fund to mitigate gun violence caused by ghost guns. “The City looks forward to having its day in court and remains confident that it will hold Hanover Armory accountable for its contribution to the ghost gun crisis in Baltimore City,” spokesperson Bryan Doherty said on behalf of the city’s law department. Baltimore’s argument against the gun shop mirrors its . In both lawsuits, the city alleges the companies contributed to a public nuisance that deprived residents of their rights to health and safety. To succeed in the gun case, Baltimore’s lawyers must convince a jury that the shop added to a crisis of violence fueled by untraceable firearms. If the city wins at trial, as it did in the opioid case, it advances to an “abatement phase” of the litigation with an even larger pool of money on the table. “The City continues to grapple with the destructive effects of the ghost gun crisis. The Baltimore Police Department still regularly recovers ghost guns from crime scenes,” city attorneys wrote. “Accordingly, one of the City’s primary remedies in this case will be an abatement fund to halt the crisis. Eight more months of waiting will mean eight more months without an adequate remedy for Hanover Armory’s conduct.” Avery’s order said lawyers on both sides of the case had to file a request for a status conference within 10 days of the Supreme Court’s ruling. The postponement comes after the city , overcoming an effort from Hanover to end the case without a trial. It also follows the , which was said to be the nation’s largest manufacturer of ghost gun kits, for $1.2 million.