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NEW YORK — The brooding waltz was carefully composed on a sheet of music roughly the size of an index card. The brief, moody number also bore an intriguing name, written at the top in cursive: “Chopin.” A previously unknown work of music penned by the European master Frederic Chopin appears to have been found at the Morgan Library & Museum in Manhattan. The untitled and unsigned piece is on display this month at the opulently appointed institution, which had once been the private library of financier J.P. Morgan. A previously unknown musical manuscript, possibly by Frederic Chopin, is held in a display case after it was discovered at The Morgan Library & Museum on Nov. 13 in New York. Robinson McClellan, the museum curator who uncovered the manuscript, said it's the first new work associated with the Romantic era composer to be discovered in nearly a century. But McClellan concedes that it may never be known whether it is an original Chopin work or merely one written in his hand. The piece, set in the key of A minor, stands out for its “very stormy, brooding opening section” before transitioning to a melancholy melody more characteristic of Chopin, McClellan explained. “This is his style. This is his essence,” he said during a recent visit to the museum. “It really feels like him.” McClellan said he came across the work in May as he was going through a collection from the late Arthur Satz, a former president of the New York School of Interior Design. Satz acquired it from A. Sherrill Whiton Jr., an avid autograph collector who had been director of the school. McClellan then worked with experts to verify its authenticity. The paper was found to be consistent with what Chopin favored for manuscripts, and the ink matched a kind typical in the early 19th century when Chopin lived, according to the museum. But a handwriting analysis determined the name “Chopin” written at the top of the sheet was penned by someone else. Born in Poland, Chopin was considered a musical genius from an early age. He lived in Warsaw and Vienna before settling in Paris, where he died in 1849 at the age of 39, likely of tuberculosis. A previously unknown musical manuscript, possibly by Frederic Chopin, is seen in a display case after it was discovered at The Morgan Library & Museum, Nov. 13 in New York. He’s buried among a pantheon of artists at the city’s famed Père Lachaise Cemetery, but his heart, pickled in a jar of alcohol, is housed in a church in Warsaw, in keeping with his deathbed wish for the organ to return to his homeland. Artur Szklener, director of the Fryderyk Chopin Institute in Warsaw, the Polish capital city where the composer grew up, agreed that the document is consistent with the kinds of ink and paper Chopin used during his early years in Paris. Musically, the piece evokes the “brilliant style” that made Chopin a luminary in his time, but it also has features unusual for his compositions, Szklener said. “First of all, it is not a complete work, but rather a certain musical gesture, a theme laced with rather simple piano tricks alluding to a virtuoso style," Szklener explained in a lengthy statement released after the document was revealed last month. He and other experts conjecture the piece could have been a work in progress. It may have also been a copy of another's work, or even co-written with someone else, perhaps a student for a musical exercise. Jeffrey Kallberg, a University of Pennsylvania music professor and Chopin expert who helped authenticate the document, called the piece a “little gem” that Chopin likely intended as a gift for a friend or wealthy acquaintance. “Many of the pieces that he gave as gifts were short – kind of like ‘appetizers’ to a full-blown work,” Kallberg said in an email. “And we don’t know for sure whether he intended the piece to see the light of day because he often wrote out the same waltz more than once as a gift.” David Ludwig, dean of music at The Juilliard School, a performing arts conservatory in Manhattan, agreed the piece has many of the hallmarks of the composer’s style. “It has the Chopin character of something very lyrical and it has a little bit of darkness as well,” said Ludwig, who was not involved in authenticating the document. But Ludwig noted that, if it's authentic, the tightly composed score would be one of Chopin’s shortest known pieces. The waltz clocks in at under a minute long when played on piano, as many of Chopin’s works were intended. “In terms of the authenticity of it, in a way it doesn’t matter because it sparks our imaginations,” Ludwig said. “A discovery like this highlights the fact that classical music is very much a living art form.” The Chopin reveal comes after the Leipzig Municipal Libraries in Germany announced in September that it uncovered a previously unknown piece likely composed by a young Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart in its collections. Christmas music has a long and storied history beginning centuries ago with pagan rituals. Those traditions evolved with St. Francis of Assisi’s Nativity plays in the 13th century, and survived Puritan rule when many Christmas traditions and celebrations were banned during part of the 17th century. Traveling minstrels spread original songs before the invention of the printing press in 1440 ushered in an era of texts that served as the foundation for some of the most beloved Christmas songs. These tunes would be shared in the form of poetry and hymns printed on broadsides . Today, Christmas music runs the gamut from silly to revolutionary. Songs range from grandmothers getting trampled by reindeer to those based on the work of a Romantic-period poet. Who knew that the catchy tune of Wenceslas, the king with the funny name, is a reverent song about the patron saint of the Czech Republic? Or perhaps it would surprise readers to discover that “Silent Night” was designated as an item of Intangible Cultural Heritage by UNESCO. These songs we know by heart and hear so often have rich histories rooted in things like war, religion, social reform, and slavery. Stacker compiled a list of Christmas songs released before 1920 and explored the origins of these pieces. This list includes Christmas carols, famous instrumentals, popular hymns, and spirituals from countries around the world. Many of these songs were created out of a chance collaboration between artists spanning time and space; a clergyman pens a hymn, and years later, a composer resurrects those words and sets them to a melody. It may come as no surprise, then, that what people consider to be Christmas classics are among the most-covered Christmas songs of all time . “Silent Night,” for example, had 137,315 recordings according to a 2017 Billboard report. Read on to learn about the rich histories of some of the most beloved Christmas songs that are more than a century old. You may also like: 71 years of Emmy history Written by James Lord Pierpont in 1857 and originally titled “One Horse Open Sleigh,” “Jingle Bells” is one of the most beloved and ubiquitous Christmas carols in existence. In 1965, astronauts Wally Schirra and Thomas Stafford made “Jingle Bells,” the first song heard from space as they orbited Earth aboard the Gemini 6. It may be surprising that this Christmas classic was written as a Thanksgiving song. This traditional English Christmas carol refers to the practice of wassailing, the definition of which has evolved over the years . In the song, wassailing is the practice of traveling door-to-door, wishing good health, and asking for a bit of hospitality and Christmas tidings in return, including a drink from a communal bowl filled with mulled cider or ale called wassail. Other familiar variants of the song include “Here We Come A-Caroling,” and “Here We Come A Christmasing.” Published by hymn writer John Mason Neale in 1853, this carol was based on the life of the virtuous ruler Wenceslaus I, Duke of Bohemia . Wenceslaus I was revered for his piety, morality, and virtue. After his assassination, he was posthumously conferred as a king by Holy Roman Emperor Otto I, which is why people don’t sing of good Duke Wenceslaus. Wenceslaus was elevated to sainthood immediately after his death, and he's considered the patron saint of the Czech Republic. The version of “O Tannenbaum” most of us are familiar with today was written in 1824 by Ernst Anschütz, a well-known organist and composer from Leipzig, Germany. Anschütz’s version was one of many based on a 16th-century German folk song that pays homage to the steadfast nature of the "Tannenbaum," the German word for a fir tree. The song’s association with Christmas began with Anschütz even though no explicit mention of Christmas was made in his original lyrics. Furthermore, most Christmas trees are spruce, not fir. Readers may be more familiar with the song’s English title, “O Christmas Tree.” If you’ve ever wondered what “God rest you merry” means, you’re not alone. This carol’s title is often misinterpreted, mispunctuated, and widely debated. The phrase “rest you merry” is used in the same way we use “rest assured.” It is not an address to merry gentlemen but rather an imperative statement to all gentlemen to be happy, citing the birth of Christ. It’s even referenced in Charles Dickens' classic “A Christmas Carol.” The earliest known print edition of the carol dates back to 1760, but its author is unknown. You may also like: 30 celebrities you might not know are LGBTQ Originally titled “Three Kings of Orient,” this carol was written by journalist-turned-clergyman John Henry Hopkins in 1857 for a Christmas pageant and published six years later. The carol chronicles the Christian gospel of Matthew in which three biblical magi, commonly known as the three wise men, bring gifts of gold, frankincense, and myrrh to honor the birth of Jesus. Edmund Sears—a Unitarian pastor in Wayland, Mass.—wrote a five-stanza poem titled “It Came Upon the Midnight Clear” in 1849. It was adapted by American composer Richard Storrs Willis in 1850 and set to a melody called “Carol.” The words of this poem-turned-carol are regarded as an account of the issues at the time. Topics referred to in the song include the end of the Mexican-American war and a call for peace among men. Proudly rejoicing the nativity of Jesus, “Go Tell It on the Mountain” was an African-American spiritual dating back to 1865. John Wesley Work Jr. was a composer and ethnomusicologist who compiled hundreds of spirituals and even composed a few, including “Go Tell It on the Mountain,” in his work: “American Negro Songs and Spirituals; A Comprehensive Collection of 230 Folk Songs, Religious and Secular.” Written by William Chatterton Dix in 1865 and published in 1871, this carol explores what the shepherds present at the birth of Jesus must have been thinking when they encountered him. In gospel, hymns, and art, shepherds are central characters in the Nativity of Jesus. The song is set to the familiar melody of “Greensleeves,” a 16th-century English folk song. The exact origins of this popular carol are unknown, but it is most often credited to John Francis Wade. Originally written and printed in Latin as “Adeste Fideles,” it first appeared in Wade’s 1751 collection “Cantus Diversi.” You may also like: Exploring minority representation in the biggest box office winners ever What began in 1818 as a modest performance outside of St. Nicholas parish in Oberndorf, Austria, has become one of the most popular Christmas songs of all time. Translated into over 300 languages, “Stille Nacht” was written by a priest named Joseph Mohr and composed by Franz Xaver Gruber in 1818. The song became popular among traveling folk singers, and before long, it could be heard around the world. The English version we know today called “Silent Night” was not written until 1863. “Stille Nacht” was named an intangible cultural heritage by UNESCO in 2011 . “Carol of the Bells” is no doubt familiar to you, if not by name, then by melody. The carol was based on an Ukranian folk chant called "Shchedryk,” which was traditionally sung on New Year’s Eve as it spoke of good fortune for the upcoming year. American composer Peter J. Wilhousky adapted the lyrics "Shchedryk” into a Christmas song in 1919 using the original musical arrangement by Ukranian composer Mykola Leontovych. Many artists have covered the carol over the last century, and one of its more popular variants is “Christmas Eve/Sarajevo” by the Trans-Siberian Orchestra. “In the Bleak Midwinter” was based on a poem of the same name written by English poet Christina Georgina Rossetti in 1872. English composer Gustav Holst first set the poem to music in 1906. This particular carol was published by Cecil Sharp, a famous conservator of English folk tradition, in 1911. The song is packed with symbolism that dates back to pagan rituals. Holly, representing males, and ivy, representing females, used to be burned together during the pagan festival of Beltane to encourage a fruitful spring. In Christianity, holly is symbolic of the crown of thorns Jesus wore during his crucifixion. With this rich history, evergreens like holly and ivy are viewed as symbols of rebirth and renewal, which are common themes celebrated at Christmas time. This carol was based on the poem "Christmas Bells," written by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow on Christmas Day in 1863. With an injured wife and a son who joined the union army against his father’s wishes, Longfellow lamented hearing bells on Christmas Day during the American Civil War. The lyrics convey a sense of hopelessness when goodwill and peace on Earth seemed impossible. The poem was set to music in 1872 by English composer John Baptiste Calkin. You may also like: Mistakes from the 50 best movies of all time “O Holy Night” is based on a French poem titled "Minuit, Chrétiens," written by Placide Cappeau at the behest of a parish priest. Composer Adolphe Adam set the poem to music that same year, and it quickly gained popularity throughout France. When Cappeau denounced the Catholic Church to join the socialist movement, the church responded by denouncing his beloved carol. The song made a resurgence after it was translated into English and introduced in America by John Sullivan Dwight. After visiting Bethlehem in the Mutasarrifate of Jerusalem , Phillips Brooks was inspired to write about his experiences. Brooks, an Episcopal priest, shared the poem he had written with Lewis Redner, his church’s organist, and asked him to create a melody for it so they could perform it at an upcoming Sunday school service. In a single evening, Redner composed the tune that we know today. Reflecting on the success of the carol, Redner stated : “Neither Mr. Brooks nor I ever thought the carol or the music to it would live beyond that Christmas of 1868.” Mistakenly attributed, for many years, to Martin Luther—the seminal figure of Europe’s Protestant Reformation in the 16th century—and even titling early versions of this piece “Luther’s Cradle Song,” “Away in a Manger” is a relatively simple carol with unknown origins. The first record of the text being set to music with the title “Away in a Manger” is found in the 1885 publication “Little Children's Book for Schools and Families.” The carol we know as “Hark! The Herald Angels Sing” was originally titled "Hymn for Christmas-Day,” published in 1739 by Charles Wesley, leader of the Methodist movement and brother to John Wesley, the movement’s founder. But it was George Whitefield who adapted the text in 1753 to give us that familiar opener “Hark! The Herald Angels Sing.” The melody was composed by Felix Mendelssohn and later adapted by William H. Cummings in 1855 to create the song that's popular today. This numeric carol was originally published in England in 1780 in a children’s book called “Mirth Without Mischief.” It is believed to be a type of children's memory-and-forfeit game in which the singer must remember every verse or forfeit something if they make a mistake. You may also like: Best and worst Al Pacino movies Citing the gospel of Luke, this English carol is based on a French song called “Les Anges dans nos campagnes.” The lyrics were written by James Chadwick, a bishop in 1862. His words were set to the tune "Gloria," which was arranged by Edward Shippen Barnes. This Christmas ballad is believed to date back to the 15th century. Unlike many other carols that reference the gospels of Luke or Matthew, this story takes place sometime in between as Mary and Joseph journey to Bethlehem. It is one of the few depictions of Joseph struggling to accept Mary’s pregnancy, evidenced through lyrics such as “O then bespoke Joseph/ With words so unkind,/ Let him pluck thee a cherry/That brought thee with child.” The song was made popular again by Joan Baez’s rendition in 1961. The exact origins of this carol are unknown, but it is believed to be one of the oldest carols still sung today. Dating back to the 12th century, “The Friendly Beasts” is a traditional French carol about the animals present at the birth of Jesus and the gifts they bestowed on him. “Joy to the World” was originally written as a hymn by Isaac Watts. Watt’s adaptation of Psalm 98 interprets Christ as the king of the church and as the king of the world. “Joy to the World” is one of the most recorded Christmas songs of all time . Perhaps the darkest song on this list, “Coventry Carol,” depicts the biblical event “The Massacre of the Innocents” in which King Herod ordered the killing of all male babies under the age of two in Bethlehem. The song takes the form of a lullaby recited to the persecuted children. In Christianity, “The Massacre of the Innocents” is an important part of the broader Nativity story and thus a relevant story in the Christmas narrative. “Coventry Carol” was originally part of a medieval mystery play performed in England called “The Pageant of the Shearmen and Tailors.” You may also like: Best Grateful Dead albums of all time Receive the latest in local entertainment news in your inbox weekly!Jimmy Carter, the 39th US president, has died at 100jili777 shop 。

Iowa cornerback Jermari Harris has opted out of the remainder of the 2024 season in order to prepare for the NFL draft, according to a report by 247Sports.com . The 6-foot-1 sixth-year senior from Chicago has recorded 27 tackles, three interceptions and a team-high seven pass breakups in 10 games for the Hawkeyes this season. That includes a pick-6 in a 38-21 win over Troy earlier this season. Iowa (6-4, 4-3 Big Ten) plays at Maryland on Saturday before closing out its regular season at home against Nebraska on Nov. 29. The Hawkeyes are already bowl eligible, so Harris is likely opting out of three games in total. After missing the entire 2022 season due to an ankle injury, Harris was suspended for two games of the following season for his involvement in the gambling investigation into Iowa athletics. He later emerged as the Hawkeyes' top cornerback, earning the team's comeback player of the year award after compiling 42 tackles, one interception and eight pass breakups. Harris will finish his college career with 105 tackles and eight interceptions. --Field Level MediaLooking Back At The Environmental Highs - And Lows - Of 2024

Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’

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By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Related Articles Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

Bombshell blow for Anthony Albanese just months out from a federal election as he faces being booted from the Lodge after just one term Labor support falls in NSW and Victoria Anthony Albanese is still preferred PM READ MORE: PM refuses to acknowledge glaringly obvious fact By DAVID SOUTHWELL FOR DAILY MAIL AUSTRALIA Published: 00:44, 30 December 2024 | Updated: 00:44, 30 December 2024 e-mail View comments Anthony Albanese 's bedrock of support is collapsing in NSW and Victoria just a few months before he seeks re-election at a federal election , new polling has revealed. Labor's primary vote has slumped from 33 to 29 per cent in Australia's two most populous states, putting crucial seats, and Labor's majority, in doubt, according to a survey by Resolve Strategic for Nine newspapers . By contrast the Coalition, led by Peter Dutton , has seen a dramatic boost in Victoria with its primary vote surging from 33 to 38 per cent, while support in NSW increased from 37 to 38 per cent. The news for Labor is also bad in Western Australia with its primary vote plunging from 37 to 30 per cent since the last election, with the Coalition rising from 35 to 37.. It could see a reversal in the four seats Labor snatched from the Coalition in 2022 - Pearce, Hasluck, Swan and Tangney - with a new electorate in Bullwinkel also being contested in the next federal poll. The Coalition's resurgence in Victoria could also be bad news for the Teals, as it targets the two Melbourne seats the Liberals lost to them at the last election. Monique Ryan holds Kooyong by a margin of just 2.2 per cent and Zoe Daniel holds Goldstein by 3.3 per cent, according to ABC election pendulum. Anthony Albanese faces an election next year with Labor's support falling to low levels in NSW and Victoria Overall the Resolve Political Monitor showed the Coalition ahead with 51 per cent of support in two-party terms compared to Labor on 49 per cent, assuming preferences matched the last election. However, the close result was within the margin of error indicating the federal election remains tightly contested, and may ened in a hung parliament. Mr Albanese maintained a slight edge over Mr Dutton as preferred prime minister in Victoria, where he leaders 36 to 34 per cent and in NSW where he is ahead 38 to 36. Resolve Director Jim Reed said the poll indicates Labor is in danger of losing power after only one term in government, for the first time federally in Australia since 1931. 'In 2022, we correctly anticipated that Labor would win with less than a third of the primary vote, that they would pick up seats in Western Australia, that the Greens would win seats in Brisbane, and that Liberal heartland would be taken by the Teals,' Mr Reed said. Peter Dutton (pictured right with wife Kirilly) is almost neck-and-neck with Mr Albanese as preferred prime minister 'This time around we'll be looking for things that go against the received wisdom, like the possibility of a first-term government being voted out, the Liberals winning seats in Victoria, the Greens losing seats and independents being denied a second term.' Read More PETER VAN ONSELEN: Why an early election is Anthony Albanese's least bad option While the Greens have kept their primary vote steady at 12 per cent nationally, they have slipped from 13 per cent to 11 per cent in Queensland, which could endanger the three seats they picked up from major parties at the last election. Overall Queensland remained relatively unchanged from previous quarterly analysis of polling. Labor saw a slight fall in its primary vote from 27 to 26 per cent with the Coalition's increasing from 40 to 41 per cent. Resolve Political Monitor's quarterly analysis of polling is based on responses from 4831 voters from October to December 2024. Labor has also been losing ground in Newspolls, conducted for The Australian. An analysis of Newspolls taken over the last quarter of 2024, shows 35 to 49-year-old voters, commonly mortgage holders who determine many swinging electorates, are shunning the Albanese government. When grilled about his declining popularity at a press conference on Sunday, the Prime Minister downplayed the issue. 'What I am worried about is helping fellow Australians,' he said. 'I have been underestimated my whole political life. 'I am focused on making a difference for cost of living, making a difference for plans that we have going forward. 'We have already announced a number of changes, including to address intergenerational equity issues by cancelling 20 per cent of HECS debts for people if we are reelected.' Anthony Albanese Western Australia Share or comment on this article: Bombshell blow for Anthony Albanese just months out from a federal election as he faces being booted from the Lodge after just one term e-mail Add comment

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Percentages: FG .396, FT .833. 3-Point Goals: 8-28, .286 (Bjerke 2-3, Lafferty 1-1, Nau 1-2, Oosterbaan 1-3, Dobbs 1-4, Blue 1-5, Barnstable 1-6, Byhre 0-2, Minessale 0-2). Team Rebounds: 2. Team Turnovers: 1. Blocked Shots: 2 (Bjerke, Blue). Turnovers: 14 (Dobbs 3, Dufault 3, Barnstable 2, Blue 2, Lafferty 2, Bjerke, Nau). Steals: 8 (Dufault 5, Barnstable 2, Minessale). Technical Fouls: None. Percentages: FG .463, FT .591. 3-Point Goals: 6-17, .353 (Stillwell 2-2, Franklin 2-5, Lovelace 1-2, Pullian 1-2, Davis 0-1, Fulks 0-1, Pippa-White 0-1, McKee 0-3). Team Rebounds: 4. Team Turnovers: None. Blocked Shots: 2 (Duffy, Pullian). Turnovers: 16 (Fulks 5, Franklin 2, Lovelace 2, McKee 2, Pippa-White 2, Stillwell 2, Pullian). Steals: 9 (Fulks 5, Stillwell 2, Lovelace, McKee). Technical Fouls: None. A_1,669 (10,783).