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lottery number for snake Joe Rogan (Image: PxImages/SPP/Louis Grasse) Donald Trump was joined for his post-midnight election victory address by his family, his running mate JD Vance, House Speaker Mike Johnson, and co-campaign managers Susie Wiles and Chris LaCivita. One apparent outlier was Dana White, president of the Ultimate Fighting Championship. Speaking third, White thanked YouTube pranksters the Nelk Boys, Louisianan stand-up comedian and podcaster Theo Von, controversial Kick streamer Adin Ross, and “ the mighty and powerful Joe Rogan ”. Given the US election result, White’s description of the hugely popular podcaster seems apt. In the lead-up to November 5, both Kamala Harris and Trump scheduled a string of sitdowns with an eclectic mix of influencers, sports players, comedians and media personalities. It’s not difficult to understand why. Almost half of Americans — an estimated 135 million people — say they listen to a podcast monthly, which is more than twice the share who said the same in 2016, during Trump’s first presidential run. On election day, the two top streamers, right-wingers Dan Bongino and Steven Crowder, raked in around half a million viewers each, exceeding all media companies except for FOX and NBC. Da pacem, Domine: Why Trump is what democracy needs Read More But the election results indicate the presidential candidates did not garner equal success in this new media space. The porous ecosystem of the podcasting and streaming “manosphere” connects stand-up comedy, mixed martial arts and online bro culture. And it elevates figures such as Elon Musk, Ben Shapiro and Jordan Peterson, who offer unapologetic support for traditional gender roles and attacks against “wokeism”. Rogan might be the gravitational centre around which this ecosystem orbits, and it is a welcoming place for Trump’s anti-establishment message and his rebuke of mainstream media. The long and unstructured form of Rogan’s and adjacent podcasts and their sympathetic hosts allows Trump’s loose rhetorical style — his self-described “weave” — to land for audiences familiar with, and wanting, spontaneity and easygoing flow. And it is likely that these appearances helped him to propel traditionally low-propensity young male voters to the ballot box. In his bid to court the so-called “ bro vote, ” Trump engaged dozens of podcasters and streamers on the political fringe who share a common audience of young, politically disengaged men. In the final days of the campaign, Trump — followed by Vance, then billionaire backer Musk—went on The Joe Rogan Experience , America’s most-consumed podcast . These appearances culminated in Rogan offering his endorsement of the Republican ticket, arguably the zenith for a US presidential election where nontraditional media played an unprecedented role. The Trump campaign’s media strategy appears to have paid off. Trump scored massive gains among young men, winning this demographic 49% to Harris’s 47%. This marks a dramatic swing from 2020, when Joe Biden picked up most of the young male vote (52% to Trump’s 41%). Trump also made significant inroads in wresting away votes from traditional Democratic constituencies. According to exit polls, Latino men veered to Trump in higher numbers than ever before, across red and blue states alike . Meanwhile, the Democrats’ edge among Black men was blunted enough to tip the scale in Trump’s favour in key swing states such as Georgia, Michigan and Pennsylvania. By contrast, there are few signs that Harris’s approach to nontraditional media benefited her campaign, despite the Democratic nominee’s surge of early enthusiasm from young people on social media. An appearance with Rogan, which was reportedly on the cards, ultimately fell through after the two parties were unable to agree on interview conditions. This was viewed by some as a missed opportunity for her campaign to engage with young men. But whether she would have found success with Rogan’s audience remains an open question. ‘Deeply repulsive’: ABC chair Kim Williams rails against Joe Rogan amid pitch for greater funding Read More In the election post-mortem, some commentators and DNC insiders have argued that the Democrats need their own Rogan. But they did have their own Rogan in 2020, when Bernie Sanders, then a Democratic primary candidate, appeared on The Joe Rogan Experience and secured the host’s endorsement. At the time, Sanders was lambasted for going on the show. Harris’s strategy instead largely focused on reaching Independent and moderate Republican women through appearing on shows like Call Her Daddy , a podcast that is hugely popular among women, most of whom are young and a sizeable chunk of whom are independent voters . And Harris’s interview with former NBA players Matt Barnes and Stephen Jackson for their podcast All the Smoke was seen as an attempt to shore up support among Black men. Harris hemorrhaged votes to Trump on all fronts. The gender gap, though notably wide among young people, did not reach the historic margins that were expected in the so-called “ gender election. ” Even among cohorts that Harris won — such as Black men, women, and young voters — she secured a far slimmer margin of victory compared to Hillary Clinton in 2016 or Biden in 2020. For candidates, the benefits of engaging with these non-traditional outlets seem clear: cutting through a saturated media market; leveraging the parasocial relationships between hosts and their fans; less chance of pushback than from a trained journalist. This election cycle also indicates just how ubiquitous “new media” has become, and its movement from the fringe to the centre. Future campaign strategists will continue to adapt to a mediascape beyond the world of prime-time interviews and broadcast advertising. And Trump’s victory suggests they will need to reckon with its gendered structure and content that — for the most successful shows — speak to the desires and interests of young men. Have something to say about this article? Write to us at letters@crikey.com.au . Please include your full name to be considered for publication in Crikey’s Your Say . We reserve the right to edit for length and clarity.Google sues CFPB

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By EDDIE PELLS When the page turns on 2024, it will be time to say goodbye, once and for all, to the amateur athlete in college sports. Related Articles Sports | Connecticut High School Football Alliance schedule released for 2025 season Sports | Netflix is airing 2 NFL games on Christmas Day. Here’s what to know Sports | Caitlin Clark effect hasn’t reversed the decades-long decline in girls basketball participation Sports | Lock’s return at QB includes two pick-6s in Giants’ franchise-record 10th straight loss Sports | Callahan: It’s time to forget about Jerod Mayo getting fired In theory, the concept held on stubbornly via the quaint and now all-but-dead notion that student-athletes played only for pride, a scholarship and some meal money. In practice, the amateurs have been disappearing for years, washed away by the steady millions, now billions, that have flowed into college athletics, mostly through football and basketball both through legitimate and illicit means. In the coming year, the last vestiges of amateur college sports are expected to officially sputter out — the final step of a journey that has felt inevitable since 2021. That’s when the Supreme Court laid the foundation for paying college players in exchange for promotions — on social media, TV, video games, you name it — featuring their name, image or likeness (NIL). The changes have come in spasms so far, not always well thought out, not always fair and not regulated by any single entity like the NCAA or federal government, but rather by a collection of state laws, along with rules at individual schools and the leagues in which they play. But on April 7, the day final approval is expected for the landmark, $2.8 billion lawsuit settlement that lays the foundation for players to receive money directly from their schools, what was once considered anathema to the entire concept of college sports will become the norm. David Schnase, the NCAA’s vice president for academic and membership affairs, acknowledges that maintaining the unique essence of college sports is a challenge in the shifting landscape. “You can use the word ‘pro,’ you can use the word ‘amateur,’ you can attach whatever moniker you want to it, but those are just labels,” Schnase said. “It’s much less about labels and more about experiences and circumstances. Circumstances are different today than they were last year and they are likely going to be different in the foreseeable future.” Few would argue that college athletes should get something back for the billions they help produce in TV and ticket revenue, merchandise sales and the like. But is everyone going to cash in? Are college players really getting rich? Recent headlines suggest top quarterback recruit Bryce Underwood was lured to Michigan thanks to funding from billionaire Oracle founder Larry Ellison, and that a top basketball recruit, A.J. Dybantsa, is heading to BYU — not a hoops powerhouse — for the reported price of $7 million. For every Underwood or Dybantsa, though, there are even more Matthew Slukas and Beau Pribulas. Sluka’s agent says his son agreed to play quarterback at UNLV after a promise of receiving $100,000 and quit three games into the season after the checks never came. Pribula was the backup quarterback at Penn State who abruptly entered the transfer portal earlier this month, choosing the college version of free agency over a chance to play with the Nittany Lions in the College Football Playoff. He’s not the only one hitting the portal in hopes of getting rich before new regulations related to the NCAA settlement take effect. “We’ve got problems in college football,” Penn State coach James Franklin said. The settlement will overhaul the current system. Currently, players receive money via third-party collectives that are booster-funded groups affiliated with individual schools. Coming up fast: the schools paying the athletes directly — the term often used here is “revenue sharing” — with collectives still an option, but not the only one. “It’s going to be more transparent,” said Jeff Kessler, the plaintiffs’ attorney and antitrust veteran who helped shape the settlement. “If anything, having the schools handling all the payments is only going to improve the system.” The NCAA has started collecting data about NIL payments, which date to July 2021. Its first set of numbers, which includes data from more than 140 schools across more than 40 sports in 2024, show a bracing disconnect between have and have-nots. For instance, average earnings for football and men’s and women’s basketball players is nearly $38,000. But the median earning — the middle number among all the data points on the list — is only $1,328, a sign of how much the biggest contracts skew the average. The statistics also show a vast difference in earnings between men and women, an issue that could impact schools’ ability to comply with Title IX. That 1972 law requires schools to provide equal athletic scholarships and financial aid but not necessarily that they spend the same dollar amount on men and women. Heading into 2025, there is no clarity on how this issue will play out. Regardless, the numbers are jarring. The NCAA data set shows the average earnings for women in 16 sports was $8,624, compared with $33,321 for men in 11 sports. Men,’s basketball players averaged $56,000 compared with $11,500 for women. The biggest losers from this move toward a professional model could be all the swimmers and wrestlers and field hockey players — the athletes in the so-called non-revenue sports whose programs also happen to serve as the backbone of the U.S. Olympic team. Only a tiny percentage of those athletes are getting rich, and now that universities have to use revenue to pay the most sought-after players in their athletic programs, there could be cuts to the smaller sports. Also, someone’s going to have backfill the revenue that will now go to the players. Well-heeled donors like Ellison are not around for every school, nor have private equity firms started sending money. The average fan will have to pony up, and the last six months have seen dozens if not hundreds of athletic directors begging alumni for money and warning them of changes ahead. Already there are schools placing surcharges on tickets or concessions . How will fans respond to a more transactional model of college sports? “I don’t know that fans have this really great love for the idea of 100% pure amateurism,” said Nels Popp, a University of North Carolina sports business professor. “I think what they care about is the colors and the logos and the brand. I don’t know that it matters to them if the players are making a little bit of money or a lot of money. They’ve been making money for the last couple years, and I don’t know that that’s making fans really back off.” The last time amateurism came under such assault was in the 1980s, when the Olympics unwound the final remnants of pretending the vast majority of their athletes were anything other than full-time professionals. The transformation was tinged with a note of honesty: The people putting on the show should reap some benefits from it. Even 40 years later, there’s an good argument they remain underpaid. The contours of the same debate are shaping up in college sports. Athletes are pushing for a players’ association that would add more transparency to a business that, even with the changes coming, is still largely dictated by the schools. The NCAA, while acceding to the need to pay the players, wants nothing to do with turning them into actual employees of the schools they play for. It’s an expensive prospect that is winding its way through the legal system via lawsuits and labor hearings that many in college sports are desperate to avoid for fear it will push the entire industry off the financial cliff. Among the few things everyone agrees on is that things aren’t going back to a time when athletes pretended to play for pride while the money moved under tables and through shadows. And that this, in fact, could only be the start, not the end, of the transformation of college sports. “At some point, I think people might have to understand that maybe college athletes don’t go to college anymore,” Popp said. “Or maybe they don’t go to class during the season. There could be more radical changes, and as long as they’re wearing the right logo and the right colors, I’m not sure that fans really care.” Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-footballDecember 7: We’ll resist any military intimidation during pollsHouse Speaker Mike Johnson and U.S. Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks spoke to reporters following an event in Indianola Oct. 18, 2024. (Photo by Robin Opsahl/Iowa Capital Dispatch) U.S. Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks’ reelection win for Iowa’s 1st Congressional District was confirmed Wednesday as the recount requested by Democratic challenger Christina Bohannan concluded. The Associated Press called the race at 3:07 p.m. Wednesday, several weeks after the Nov. 5 general election. As of the latest updates from the AP, Miller-Meeks won with unofficial results showing her at 206,955 votes to Bohannan’s 206,157 — a 798-vote margin, slightly smaller than the 802-vote gap reported when Bohannan requested the recount earlier in November . The recount process was conducted in all 20 counties in the 1st Congressional District over the course of seven days, with the final two counties — Johnson and Keokuk counties — finishing their recounts Wednesday. There were no changes to the vote totals during the recount process in Keokuk County, according to the local county auditor’s office. In Johnson County, Miller-Meeks’ lead dropped by two votes and Bohannan’s dropped by six, according to county auditor staff. Bohannan conceded the race in a Wednesday statement, congratulating Miller-Meeks on her victory. She thanked election officials and volunteers for their efforts during the election and recount process — as well as thanking Iowans “for their patience” as the recount was conducted. “Although this is not the result we wanted, I am so proud of our campaign,” Bohannan said. “We exceeded all expectations and turned a district that many pundits thought was unwinnable into one of the very closest races in the country. ... I am honored by the roughly half of Iowans in this district – people of all political parties – who voted for me to be their next congresswoman. Although I won’t be able to represent them in Washington DC this January, I want them to know that I will continue our important work of putting Iowa first.” With the conclusion of the 1st Congressional District recount, all recount processes for 2024 elections in the state have concluded. Three legislative races were also brought to recount from the 2024 election with results showing two Democratic incumbents, Sen. Sarah Trone Garriott, D-Waukee, and Rep. Monica Kurth, D-Davenport, keeping their seats, as well as confirming the loss of incumbent Sen. Nate Boulton, D-Des Moines, to Republican Mike Pike. With these recounts over, Iowa’s federal delegation will continue to be all Republican. Republicans will also hold a trifecta of control at the Iowa Statehouse, with supermajorities in both the state House and Senate. Miller-Meeks gave her victory speech at her Election Night watch party and has criticized Bohannan for pursuing a recount. She, alongside the House GOP campaign arm, the National Republican Congressional Committee, have criticized Bohannan for not conceding the race earlier because of the cost to the state, claiming the process had cost $21,000 as of Tuesday. Mike Marinella, a NRCC spokesperson, released a statement congratulating Miller-Meeks on her reelection Wednesday. “Congratulations to Congresswoman Mariannette Miller-Meeks on her incredible victory,” Marinella said. “As a doctor, veteran, and Congresswoman, Congresswoman Miller-Meeks has always answered the call to service. Rep. Miller-Meeks’ record speaks for itself, and she will continue to deliver valuable results for veterans, farmers, small business owners and families across Southeast Iowa.”

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WASHINGTON (AP) — After several weeks working mostly behind closed doors, Vice President-elect JD Vance returned to Capitol Hill this week in a new, more visible role: Helping Donald Trump try to get his most contentious Cabinet picks to confirmation in the Senate, where Vance has served for the last two years. Vance arrived at the Capitol on Wednesday with former Rep. Matt Gaetz and spent the morning sitting in on meetings between Trump’s choice for attorney general and key Republicans, including members of the Senate Judiciary Committee. The effort was for naught: amid scrutiny over sex trafficking allegations and the reality that he was unlikely to be confirmed. Thursday morning Vance was back, this time accompanying Pete Hegseth, the “Fox & Friends Weekend” host whom Trump has tapped to be the next secretary of defense. Hegseth also has faced allegations of sexual assault that he denies. Vance is expected to accompany other nominees for meetings in coming weeks as he tries to leverage the two years he has spent in the Senate to help push through Trump’s picks. Vance is taking on an atypical role as Senate guide for Trump nominees The role of introducing nominees around Capitol Hill is an unusual one for a vice president-elect. Usually the job goes to a former senator who has close relationships on the Hill, or a more junior aide. But this time the role fits Vance, said Marc Short, who served as Trump’s first director of legislative affairs as well as chief of staff to Trump’s first vice president, Mike Pence, who spent more than a decade in Congress and led the former president’s transition ahead of his first term. ”JD probably has a lot of current allies in the Senate and so it makes sense to have him utilized in that capacity,” Short said. Unlike the first Trump transition, which played out before cameras at Trump Tower in New York and at the president-elect’s golf club in Bedminster, New Jersey, this one has largely happened behind closed doors in Palm Beach, Florida. There, a small group of officials and aides meet daily at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort to run through possible contenders and interview job candidates. The group includes Elon Musk, the billionaire who has spent so much time at the club that Trump has joked he can’t get rid of him. Vance has been a constant presence, even as he’s kept a lower profile. The Ohio senator has spent much of the last two weeks in Palm Beach, according to people familiar with his plans, playing an active role in the transition, on which he serves as honorary chair. Mar-a-Lago scene is a far cry from Vance’s hardscrabble upbringing Vance has been staying at a cottage on the property of the gilded club, where rooms are adorned with cherubs, oriental rugs and intricate golden inlays. It’s a world away from the famously hardscrabble upbringing that Vance documented in the memoir that made him famous, “Hillbilly Elegy.” His young children have also joined him at Mar-a-Lago, at times. Vance was photographed in shorts and a polo shirt playing with his kids on the seawall of the property with a large palm frond, a U.S. Secret Service robotic security dog in the distance. On the rare days when he is not in Palm Beach, Vance has been joining the sessions remotely via Zoom. Though he has taken a break from TV interviews after months of constant appearances, Vance has been active in the meetings, which began immediately after the election and include interviews and as well as presentations on candidates’ pluses and minuses. Among those interviewed: Contenders , as Vance wrote in a since-deleted social media post. Defending himself from criticism that he’d missed a Senate vote in which one of President Joe Biden’s judicial nominees was confirmed, Vance wrote that he was meeting at the time “with President Trump to interview multiple positions for our government, including for FBI Director.” “I tend to think it’s more important to get an FBI director who will dismantle the deep state than it is for Republicans to lose a vote 49-46 rather than 49-45,” Vance added on X. “But that’s just me.” Vance is making his voice heard as Trump stocks his Cabinet While Vance did not come in to the transition with a list of people he wanted to see in specific roles, he and his friend, Trump’s eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., who is also a member of the transition team, were eager to see former Democratic Rep. Tulsi Gabbard and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. find roles in the administration. Trump ended up , a powerful position that sits atop the nation’s spy agencies and acts as the president’s top intelligence adviser. And he chose Kennedy to , a massive agency that oversees everything from drug and food safety to Medicare and Medicaid. Vance was also a big booster of Tom Homan, the former acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, In another sign of Vance’s influence, James Braid, a top aide to the senator, is expected to serve as Trump’s legislative affairs director. Allies say it’s too early to discuss what portfolio Vance might take on in the White House. While he gravitates to issues like trade, immigration and tech policy, Vance sees his role as doing whatever Trump needs. Vance was spotted days after the election giving his son’s Boy Scout troop a tour of the Capitol and was there the day of leadership elections. He returned in earnest this week, first with Gaetz — arguably Trump’s most divisive pick — and then Hegseth, of sexually assaulting a woman in 2017, according to an investigative report made public this week. Hegseth told police at the time that the encounter had been consensual and denied any wrongdoing. Vance hosted Hegseth in his Senate office as GOP senators, including those who sit on the Senate Armed Services Committee, filtered in to meet with the nominee for defense secretary. While a president’s nominees usually visit individual senators’ offices, meeting them on their own turf, the freshman senator — who is accompanied everywhere by a large Secret Service detail that makes moving around more unwieldy — instead brought Gaetz to a room in the Capitol on Wednesday and Hegseth to his office on Thursday. Senators came to them. Vance made it to votes Wednesday and Thursday, but missed others on Thursday afternoon. Vance will draw on his Senate background going forward Vance is expected to continue to leverage his relationships in the Senate after Trump takes office. But many Republicans there have longer relationships with Trump himself. Sen. Kevin Cramer, a North Dakota Republican, said that Trump was often the first person to call him back when he was trying to reach high-level White House officials during Trump’s first term. “He has the most active Rolodex of just about anybody I’ve ever known,” Cramer said, adding that Vance would make a good addition. “They’ll divide names up by who has the most persuasion here,” Cramer said, but added, “Whoever his liaison is will not work as hard at it as he will.” Cramer was complimentary of the Ohio senator, saying he was “pleasant” and ” interesting” to be around. ′′He doesn’t have the long relationships,” he said. “But we all like people that have done what we’ve done. I mean, that’s sort of a natural kinship, just probably not as personally tied.” Under the Constitution, Vance will also have a role presiding over the Senate and breaking tie votes. But he’s not likely to be needed for that as often as was Kamala Harris, who since Republicans will have a bigger cushion in the chamber next year. ___ Colvin reported from New York. Associated Press writer Mary Clare Jalonick contributed to this report.When 2025 arrives, so will the end of the amateur athlete in college sportsWhy Freddy Douglas can inspire the young Scots in line to face Chile