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49ers vs. Packers injury report: Purdy briefly throws before exiting practice; Still no Williams, BosaA try, a scrap with a star and a trophy from grandma: Sione’s incredible day

In a remarkable political development, Austria's far-right Freedom Party achieved a milestone victory in the Styria state election, securing a triumph for the first time in the region. This win reflects echoes of last September's general election, showcasing the party's rising strength as national coalition discussions proceed. Though the Styria election carries limited direct national repercussions, it adds pressure on those currently negotiating Austria's first three-way government since 1949. This marks only the second state win for the eurosceptic, Russia-friendly Freedom Party, their previous being Carinthia during former leader Joerg Haider's prominence in the late 1990s and 2000s. According to projections by pollster Foresight, the Freedom Party secured 35.3% of votes, surpassing the conservative People's Party's 26.6%. This is a historic first since World War Two, with neither the People's Party nor the Social Democrats winning in the state, famed as the birthplace of actor Arnold Schwarzenegger. The Freedom Party now looks to form a coalition for a majority in Styria's state assembly. (With inputs from agencies.)

The San Francisco 49ers are preparing for their Week 12 contest against the Green Bay Packers on Sunday at Lambeau Field in Green Bay, Wisconsin. Brock Purdy, who refrained from throwing during Wednesday's practice due to a shoulder injury, resumed light throwing to team staff on Thursday. However, reporters noted the quarterback exiting the field during the media's open practice window, leaving his status for Sunday uncertain. Purdy sustained the injury during Sunday's loss to the Seattle Seahawks. "Brock Purdy, from everything I've been told, should be fine for this game on Sunday against the Packers ," NFL insider Tom Pelissero reported. "He's got a sore shoulder. I know he dove—I'm not sure if that's the play—but he dove for the pylon in the game last week, might have landed on it a little bit. But it's not anything that's like a major injury." Meanwhile, neither defensive end Nick Bosa nor left tackle Trent Williams were spotted on the practice field, mirroring their absence on Wednesday. Bosa is dealing with a new hip/oblique injury sustained against Seattle, while Williams continues to nurse an ankle issue. Both players could be game-time decisions. As expected, running back Christian McCaffrey returned to practice Thursday after sitting out Wednesday, a planned rest day as he manages his recovery from Achilles tendinitis. Tight end George Kittle, limited on Wednesday due to a hamstring injury that sidelined him against the Seahawks, participated again Thursday. Kittle has expressed confidence that he will suit up against Green Bay. " Very excited ," Kittle said on Wednesday. "Can't pass up playing the Packers. So, no, I will be out there, for sure. Get to practice today—it'll be very fun and exciting." Below are Thursday's practice participation reports for both the 49ers and Packers, which were provided by the 49ers Communications staff. San Francisco 49ers Thursday Practice Did Not Participate In Practice LB Tatum Bethune (knee), DE Nick Bosa (hip, oblique), WR Jacob Cowing (concussion), DT Kevin Givens (groin), T Trent Williams (ankle) Limited Participation in Practice RB Christian McCaffrey (not injury related - resting player, Achilles), C Jon Feliciano (knee), TE George Kittle (hamstring), QB Brock Purdy (right shoulder), CB Charvarius Ward (not injury related - personal matter) Green Bay Packers Thursday Practice Did Not Participate In Practice CB Jaire Alexander (knee), LB Edgerrin Cooper (hamstring) Limited Participation in Practice DT Kenny Clark (toe), RB Josh Jacobs (quadricep, calf), C Josh Myers (wrist), S Evan Williams (hamstring), DT Colby Wooden (shoulder) Full Participation in Practice G Elgton Jenkins (not injury related - resting player), T Rasheed Walker (knee) This article first appeared on 49ers Webzone and was syndicated with permission.

The Tampa Bay Rays have had six of their 2025 regular-season games shifted to the early season due to weather issues from playing outside, Major League Baseball announced Monday. The Rays' usual home, domed Tropicana Field, was damaged by Hurricane Milton last month with almost all of its roof shredded and no possibility of playing there next year. As a result, the Rays moved their 2025 home games from St. Petersburg to the New York Yankees training complex at nearby Tampa, which has an 11,000-seat outdoor stadium. An April series scheduled against the Los Angeles Angels that had been set for California will instead be played April 8-10 in Florida. A series between the two which had been set for August in Florida will now be hosted by the Angels on August 4-6. A Rays series against the Minnesota Twins planned in Minneapolis from May 26-28 will instead be played on the same dates in Tampa while a series that had been set for Tampa on July 4-6 will now be played in Minnesota. Florida summers can bring extreme heat and rain. js/bsp

Draft news Don't miss out on the headlines from Draft news. Followed categories will be added to My News. Blair Hartley’s phone was running hot when it came to pick 23. North Melbourne was desperate for key forward Harry Armstrong and had offered up the Kangaroos’ future first-round pick for the Tigers’ 23 to jag the goal kicker. But Hartley politely declined. No way they were passing up on the goal kicker they had rated inside the top-15 on their own draft board. It was the cream on the cake of a bumper draft night at Punt Rd. At pick 14, Richmond took a pack-crashing forward Jonty Faull (who Sydney Swans loved and tried to trade up to grab) then the rebound jet Luke Trainor at 21, and Armstrong at 23 to build the next generation Richmond spine. Faull is the one who will jump through a brick wall a bit like St Kilda’s Justin Koschitzke did, while Armstrong is the mobile floater and long-kicking left-footer. There have been concerns about Trainor’s concussion history, but the Tigers were happy with the medical report. Alex Rance was the king of the rebound game and Trainor has brilliant aerial skills in the back half. At pick one, Sam Lalor is the Bacchus Marsh bull, who is not yet the full professional product, like perhaps Finn O’Sullivan (North Melbourne) and Jagga Smith (Carlton) already are. But it’s the upside in Lalor the Tigers fell in love with. The Tigers believe Lalor will boom when he commits to a full-time football program, in the same way Dustin Martin did with his aggression and fend-off power. This is Sam Lalor 🔥 #AFLDraft | #gotiges pic.twitter.com/TDy3wee8P9 — Richmond FC 🐠̄ (@Richmond_FC) November 20, 2024 He is a Hartley kind of player. Dangerous and damaging. Aggressive. Physically imposing. Smooth-moving Josh Smillie is perhaps the risk, but with eight picks in hand, the Tigers can afford to take the punt on a 195cm playmaker and beautiful user who can be anything if he makes it as a giant-sized onballer. And the deal with North Melbourne at the end was an extraordinary bonus, when the Roos finally handed over the future first-rounder (which Richmond knocked back only 15 minutes earlier) for pick 27. That is when the Roos got the key forward they were after, landing Matt Whitlock to help partner Nick Larkey in attack, after missing on Armstrong. BOOM OR BUST For North Melbourne, this was as bold as we have seen for some time. They have coughed up a potential top-three pick for the big fella they craved, hoping the club will bounce up the ladder next season like Hawthorn did in its third-year under Alastair Clarkson. But did they pick the right twin? Some clubs had Jack ahead of new Roo Matt. Jack Whitlock celebrates with his twin brother Matt. Picture: Michael Willson/AFL Photos via Getty Images The cost looks enormous on the surface of it all, but perhaps it’s a bit of a final play from a club which needs to stop relying on the draft only to bring in talent. They haven’t been able to attract stars as free agents, but perhaps this blue-chip young engine room can be the drawcard for potential recruits if it can flourish in 2025. The midfield already looks stacked but Tasmania will make Colby McKercher a top target. BOMBERS’ BLUNDER? Mick Ablett dropped a bomb on Essendon, labelling their future-first round pick trade with Melbourne a disaster. But there aren’t any alarm bells blaring at Tullamarine. The reality is if Essendon kept pick nine in Wednesday night’s draft, Melbourne and St Kilda were a certainty to bid on him, knowing Essendon would match. It was a tricky position for the Bombers who had to shift their pick into next year to avoid it being effectively wiped out. Isaac Kako with his family after being drafted. Picture: Michael Willson/AFL Photos via Getty Images It might have been an unsexy move, but it was the smart one. A patient one. This year is a big one for some of its recent high picks such as Archie Perkins, Nik Cox, Zach Reid, Ben Hobbs and Elijah Tsatas. And next year, if the Bombers and Demons both miss the finals (which could easily happen) they will have a pair of picks inside the first dozen or so. Not quite a disaster. PLOT REJECTED St Kilda was another club which was busy on the phones. The Saints were in a peculiar position as they needed midfield guns but landed two defenders in Alix Tauru and Tobie Travaglia. Travaglia can move into the middle and has a huge tank which Ross Lyon will love, and Tauru can reel in breathtaking marks across half back. St Kilda snapped up Alix Tauru and Tobie Travaglia. Picture: Michael Klein But the Saints also had their eyes on busy left-footed small forward Joe Berry, and were prepared to dangle their future first-round pick for him with clubs in the teens. But there were no takers. Port Adelaide snaffled up the quick and clean goal kicker at pick 15, and that is when the Saints went quiet. They put the first-round pick back in their pocket, and might offer the deal of a lifetime to GWS Giant to Finn Callaghan in a bid to lure him home. The Giants would want multiple early picks in a trade. A little taste of what's to come from Harry Oliver 👀 pic.twitter.com/goO44T2Te9 — GWS GIANTS (@GWSGIANTS) November 21, 2024 BONE-JARRING GIANT The Giants dance to the beat of their own drum at draft time. After pulling out one of the shocks of last year’s draft snaring Phoenix Gothard earlier (pick 12) than most thought, they again did their own thing taking aggressive small forward Oliver Hannaford (18), running defender Harrison Oliver (19) and, in perhaps the biggest surprise, outside midfielder half forward Cody Angove (24). But the Giants’ pick players who meet their chaos game style, and Hannaford might be the best tackler in this year’s crop. Hannaford smashes into opposition defenders, wins the footy forward of the ball, and hits the scoreboard. Hope you're as hyped as we are to see Ollie Hannaford in the orange and charcoal 🔥 pic.twitter.com/nzMorlrisD — GWS GIANTS (@GWSGIANTS) November 21, 2024 Fans will love him, and Giants’ recruiting boss Adrian Caruso has a great record taking gun small forwards like Brent Daniels and Darcy Jones. It all fits Adam Kingsley’s style, and this is a club which had Sydney Swans and Brisbane on toast at times in last year’s finals series. Oliver runs hard from behind the ball and the athletic link-up man Angove was more of a punt. But they pick players for their system, regardless of where others rank them. More Coverage Revealed: Saints’ bold bid to land third first-round talent Jon Ralph, Chris Cavanagh, Jordan Pinto Join the conversation Add your comment to this story To join the conversation, please log in. Don't have an account? Register Join the conversation, you are commenting as Logout More related stories AFL ‘Top of the class’: Blues hail Jagga best player in stacked draft Carlton believes it landed the best player in the stacked 2024 draft class by securing prolific on-baller Jagga Smith with the third pick. Read more Draft news Academy capers: Bassat’s crusade ends with possible triple snub The same club which has led a crusade against other clubs rorting the father-son and academy system overlooked their own talent. And, things remain unclear for a Saints father-son and academy prospect. Read moreBy BILL BARROW, Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.

Governor Kundi pledges ending violence against womenPM arrives in Seoul for three-day official visit to South Korea