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Will Riley scored a game-high 19 points off the bench as No. 25 Illinois shrugged off a slow start to earn an 87-40 nonconference victory over Maryland Eastern Shore on Saturday afternoon in Champaign, Ill. Morez Johnson Jr. recorded his first double-double with 10 points and 13 rebounds, Kylan Boswell posted 13 points and Tomislav Ivisic contributed 11 for Illinois (4-1). Coming off a 100-87 loss to No. 8 Alabama on Wednesday, the Illini led by as much as 52 despite hitting just 10-of-40 3-point attempts. Jalen Ware paced Maryland Eastern Shore (2-6) with 10 points before fouling out. Ketron "KC" Shaw, who entered Saturday in the top 20 of Division I scorers at 22.3 points per game, went scoreless in the first half and finished with seven points on 2-of-11 shooting. The Hawks canned just 22.1 percent of their shots from the floor. Illinois broke out to a 6-0 lead in the first 2:06, then missed its next six shots. That gave the Hawks time to pull into an 8-8 tie on Evan Johnson's 17-foot pullup at the 12:21 mark. That marked Maryland Eastern Shore's last points for more than seven minutes as the Illini reeled off 17 straight points to remove any suspense. Johnson opened the spree with a basket and two free throws, Ben Humrichous swished a 3-pointer and Tre White sank a layup before Kasparas Jakucionis fed Ivisic for a 3-pointer and an alley-oop layup. Jakucionis set up Johnson for a free throw, then drove for an unchallenged layup to make it 25-8 with 5:15 left in the first. Evan Johnson snapped the visitors' dry spell with a driving layup at the 4:56 mark, but Illinois went on to establish a 35-15 halftime lead on the stretch of 11 offensive rebounds that turned into 12 second-chance points and 13 points off UMES' 10 turnovers. Maryland Eastern Shore needed nearly four minutes to get its first points in the second half as Illinois pushed its lead to 42-15. The Illini margin ballooned all the way to 70-24 on Boswell's driving layup with 8:11 to go. --Field Level Media
Irish civil servants compiled a list of “major leaks” they claimed originated from the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) and Special Branch officers in the region, records show. The confidential briefing note is part of the tranche of documents made public in the annual release of State papers from the Irish National Archives. An Irish Department of Foreign Affairs official focusing on justice and security created the list in October 2002. The document starts by referencing a 1999 interview given by George Mitchell, the chairman of the Good Friday Agreement negotiations, in which he claimed the British and Irish governments, as well as Northern Ireland’s political parties, had leaked information to manipulate public opinion. However, he further accused the NIO of attempting to sabotage the process by leaking information on British Government policy to the media. Mr Mitchell, a former US senator, is said to have expressed alarm and anger over the frequency of leaks from the NIO – saying they were uniquely “designed to undermine the policy of the British Government of which they were a part”. The Irish civil servant notes Mr Mitchell himself was subjected to an attempted “smear” when he first arrived in Northern Ireland, as newspaper articles falsely claimed his chief of staff Martha Pope had had a liaison with Sinn Fein representative Gerry Kelly with ulterior motives. The Irish civil servant goes on to list several “leaks”, starting with the publication of a proposed deal in a newspaper while “intense negotiations” for the Downing Street Declaration were under way. Next, the Department lists two “high-profile and damaging leaks issued from the NIO”. A so-called “gameplan” document was leaked in February 1998, showing papers had been prepared weeks before the Drumcree march on July 6, 1997. In the preceding years, there had been standoffs and clashes as nationalists opposed the procession of an Orange parade down Garvaghy Road in Portadown. The gameplan document showed then secretary of state for Northern Ireland Mo Mowlam, who was publicly expressing a desire for a negotiated solution to the 1997 parade, advocated “finding the lowest common denominator for getting some Orange feet on the Garvaghy Road”. In 1997, a large number of security forces were deployed to the area to allow the march to proceed. The incident sparked heightened tension and a wave of rioting. The document further describes the release of a document submitted by the NIO’s director of communications to the secretary of state as a “second major leak”. It claims a publicity strategy was released to the DUP in the aftermath of the Good Friday Agreement and showed how the UK Government would support a yes vote in a referendum following any talks agreement. In addition, it is claimed unionists used leaked sections of the Patten report on policing to invalidate its findings ahead of its publication in 1999. The report recommended the replacement of the Royal Ulster Constabulary with the Police Service of Northern Ireland, the changing of symbols, and a 50-50 recruitment policy for Catholics and Protestants. At the time, UUP leader David Trimble said the recommendations would lead to a corruption of policing in Northern Ireland. Chris Patten, chairman of the independent commission on policing, said some of the assertions were a “total fabrication” and designed to “muddy the waters” to create a difficult political atmosphere. Elsewhere, the author notes it was leaked to the media there was serious disagreement between the governments of the UK and Ireland on the composition of that commission – with not a single name submitted by the Irish side being accepted by the other. The author notes this incident, still under the heading “NIO leaks”, was believed by British officials to have emanated from the Irish side. The report turns to leaks of other origin, claiming “disgruntled Special Branch officers in Northern Ireland” were blamed by the British Government for a series of releases about the IRA which were designed to damage Sinn Fein in the 2001 general election in Northern Ireland. One senior Whitehall source was quoted in the Guardian as complaining that Special Branch was “leaking like a sieve” after details of an IRA intelligence database containing the names of leading Tories – described at the time as a “hit list” – was passed to the BBC in April 2002. The briefing note adds: “This was followed days later by a leak to The Sunday Telegraph which alleged that senior IRA commanders bought Russian special forces rifles in Moscow last year. “The newspaper said it was passed details by military intelligence in London.” The briefing note adds that other Special Branch leaks were associated with the Castlereagh break-in. The final incident in the document notes the Police Ombudsman’s Report on the Omagh bombing was also leaked to the press in December 2001. Then Northern Ireland secretary John Reid said at the time: “Leaks are never helpful and usually malicious – I will not be commenting on this report until I have seen the final version.” The reason for creating the list of leaks, which the Irish National Archives holds in a folder alongside briefing notes for ministers ahead of meetings with officials from the UK Government and NIO, is not outlined in the document itself. – This document is based on material in 2024/130/6.
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NEW YORK (AP) — Walmart's sweeping rollback of its diversity policies is the strongest indication yet of a profound shift taking hold at U.S. companies that are re-evaluating the legal and political risks associated with bold programs to bolster historically underrepresented groups. The changes announced by the world's biggest retailer on Monday followed a string of legal victories by conservative groups that have filed an onslaught of lawsuits challenging corporate and federal programs aimed at elevating minority and women-owned businesses and employees. The retreat from such programs crystalized with the election of former President Donald Trump, whose administration is certain to make dismantling diversity, equity and inclusion programs a priority. Trump's incoming deputy chief of policy will be his former adviser Stephen Miller , who leads a group called America First Legal that has aggressively challenged corporate DEI policies. “There has been a lot of reassessment of risk looking at programs that could be deemed to constitute reverse discrimination,” said Allan Schweyer, principal researcher at the Human Capital Center at the Conference Board. “This is another domino to fall and it is a rather large domino,” he added. Among other changes, Walmart said it will no longer give priority treatment to suppliers owned by women or minorities. The company also will not renew a five-year commitment for a racial equity center set up in 2020 after the police killing of George Floyd. And it pulled out of a prominent gay rights index . Schweyer said the biggest trigger for companies making such changes is simply a reassessment of their legal risk exposure, which began after U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in June 2023 that ended affirmative action in college admissions. Since then, conservative groups using similar arguments have secured court victories against various diversity programs, especially those that steer contracts to minority or women-owned businesses. Most recently, the conservative Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty won a victory in a case against the U.S. Department of Transportation over its use of a program that gives priority to minority-owned businesses when it awards contracts. Companies are seeing a big legal risk in continuing with DEI efforts, said Dan Lennington, a deputy counsel at the institute. His organization says it has identified more than 60 programs in the federal government that it considers discriminatory, he said. “We have a legal landscape within the entire federal government, all three branches -- the U.S. Supreme Court, the Congress and the President -- are all now firmly pointed in the direction towards equality of individuals and individualized treatment of all Americans, instead of diversity, equity and inclusion treating people as members of racial groups,” Lennington said. The Trump administration is also likely to take direct aim at DEI initiatives through executive orders and other policies that affect private companies, especially federal contractors. “The impact of the election on DEI policies is huge. It can’t be overstated,” said Jason Schwartz, co-chair of the Labor & Employment Practice Group at law firm Gibson Dunn. With Miller returning to the White House, rolling back DEI initiatives is likely to be a priority, Schwartz said. “Companies are trying to strike the right balance to make clear they’ve got an inclusive workplace where everyone is welcome, and they want to get the best talent, while at the same time trying not to alienate various parts of their employees and customer base who might feel one way or the other. It’s a virtually impossible dilemma,” Schwartz said. A recent survey by Pew Research Center showed that workers are divided on the merits of DEI policies. While still broadly popular, the share of workers who said focusing on workplace diversity was mostly a good thing fell to 52% in the October survey, compared to 56% in a similar survey in February 2023. Rachel Minkin, a research associate at Pew, called it a small but significant shift in short amount of time. There will be more companies pulling back from their DEI policies, but it likely won’t be a retreat across the board, said David Glasgow, executive director of the Meltzer Center for Diversity, Inclusion and Belonging at New York University. “There are vastly more companies that are sticking with DEI," Glasgow said. "The only reason you don’t hear about it is most of them are doing it by stealth. They’re putting their heads down and doing DEI work and hoping not to attract attention.” Glasgow advises organizations to stick to their own core values, because attitudes toward the topic can change quickly in the span of four years. “It’s going to leave them looking a little bit weak if there’s a kind of flip-flopping, depending on whichever direction the political winds are blowing,” he said. One reason DEI programs exist is because without those programs, companies may be vulnerable to lawsuits for traditional discrimination. “Really think carefully about the risks in all directions on this topic,” Glasgow said. Walmart confirmed will no longer consider race and gender as a litmus test to improve diversity when it offers supplier contracts. Walmart says its U.S. businesses sourced more than $13 billion in goods and services from diverse suppliers in fiscal year 2024, including businesses owned by minorities, women and veterans. It was unclear how its relationships with such business would change going forward. Organizations that have partnered with Walmart on its diversity initiatives offered a cautious response. The Women’s Business Enterprise National Council, a non-profit that last year named Walmart one of America's top corporation for women-owned enterprises, said it was still evaluating the impact of Walmart's announcement. Pamela Prince-Eason, the president and CEO of the organization, said she hoped Walmart's need to cater to its diverse customer base will continue to drive contracts to women-owned suppliers even if the company has no explicit dollar goals. “I suspect Walmart will continue to have one of the most inclusive supply chains in the World,” Prince-Eason wrote. “Any retailer's ability to serve the communities they operate in will continue to value understanding their customers, (many of which are women), in order to better provide products and services desired and no one understands customers better than Walmart." Walmart's announcement came after the company spoke directly with conservative political commentator and activist Robby Starbuck, who has been going after corporate DEI policies, calling out individual companies on the social media platform X. Several of those companies have subsequently announced that they are pulling back their initiatives, including Ford , Harley-Davidson, Lowe’s and Tractor Supply . Walmart confirmed to The Associated Press that it will better monitor its third-party marketplace items to make sure they don’t feature sexual and transgender products aimed at minors. The company also will stop participating in the Human Rights Campaign’s annual benchmark index that measures workplace inclusion for LGBTQ+ employees. A Walmart spokesperson added that some of the changes were already in progress and not as a result of conversations that it had with Starbuck. RaShawn “Shawnie” Hawkins, senior director of the HRC Foundation’s Workplace Equality Program, said companies that “abandon” their commitments workplace inclusion policies “are shirking their responsibility to their employees, consumers, and shareholders.” She said the buying power of LGBTQ customers is powerful and noted that the index will have record participation of more than 1,400 companies in 2025.FUTURE FUND OMAN LANCE UNE PREMIÈRE VAGUE DE PROJETS D'INVESTISSEMENT D'UNE VALEUR DE PLUS DE 2 MILLIARDS USD
Kathmandu, Nov 23: The Group of the Least Developed Countries (LDCs), including Nepal have expressed reservation over the draft of climate finance provisions unveiled in the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG). The dissatisfaction has been articulated noting the draft unveiled in the 29th Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) underway in Baku, the capital city of Azerbaijan, did not explicitly manifest the agendas such as increasing the volume of climate finance. Though COP29 was scheduled to conclude on Friday itself, lobbying from the LDCs was still going on today since all the points of their 'agenda' have yet to be agreed upon. The Group of LDCs, G77 and China are currently pressing on rich and developed countries to implement the NCQG agenda. Chief of the Climate Management Division under the Ministry of Forest and Environment, Dr Sindhu Prasad Dhungana, who is attending the climate summit in Baku, said that some of the points unveiled regarding the NCQG were not clear. "There has been a demand from the LDCs and other Groups that the rich and developing countries should increase the size of climate finance to 250 billion annually after 2026. But, the draft of the NCQG has mentioned the timeline up to 2035. Is it going to increase after 2034? The draft does not say clearly stipulate how much money will be raised", he commented. Advocacy is constantly going on in the COP pilling pressure on the developed countries to expand the size of climate finance, Dhungana said, adding some positive results are expected by tonight. Dhungana shared that inclusion of NCQG in the COP agenda, especially mountain-based work, and the global stock-take process of reviewing efforts made to prevent climate change around the world in line with the Paris Agreement are some positive aspects of the COP29. In a press release, LDCs Group Chair Evans Njewa stated that financial support was not at the level of necessary ambition. "This undermines the current commitment of developed nations and does not reflect the ambition needed for global climate actions. Our group is disappointed to see that the draft does not reflect our hard work of three years". He went on saying that it does not take into account the issues of the most vulnerable countries, especially least developed countries (LDCs) and small island developing countries (LIDS). The proposed climate finance volume is far below the requirement and does not ensure minimum funding for the LDC, and the draft does not include new targets to address climate-related damage and damage, the LDC said.(RSS)SCOTTSDALE, Ariz. — Even when Penn State quarterback Drew Allar gets some praise, it's usually a backhanded compliment. They say he's a good game manager and stays within himself, or that he doesn't try to do too much. They mention he might not be flashy, but he gives the team a chance to win. And here's the thing about Penn State since Allar stepped under center: The Nittany Lions have won games. A lot of them. Sometimes that's hard to remember considering the lukewarm reception he often gets from fans. "I get it — we have a really passionate fan base and they're a huge part of our success," Allar said Sunday at College Football Playoff quarterfinals media day. "For us, we always want to go out there every drive and end with a touchdown, so when we don't do that, there's nobody more frustrated than us." The polarizing Allar is having a solid season by just about any standard, completing more than 68% of his passes for 3,021 yards, 21 touchdowns and seven interceptions while leading the sixth-seeded Nittany Lions to a 12-2 record and a spot in the Fiesta Bowl for Tuesday's game against No. 3 seed Boise State. People are also reading... But in a college football world filled with high-scoring, explosive offenses, Allar's no-frills performances often are the object of ire. The Penn State offense is a run-first bunch, led by the talented combo of Nicholas Singleton and Kaytron Allen. "If we had a nickel for every time there was a Monday morning quarterback saying some BS stuff, we'd all be pretty rich," offensive coordinator Andy Kotelnicki said. "I think part of being a quarterback, especially at Penn State but really anywhere, is how you respond to and manage criticism." The 20-year-old Allar has made strides in that department after a trying 2023 season that finished with a 10-3 record. He says that's largely because once fall camp started back in August, he logged off the social media platform X. Allar said negative online experiences wore on him last year, and his phone number was leaked a few times, which added to the stress. He finally realized that controlling outside narratives was impossible, so the best course of action was to eliminate a needless distraction. "I've been more mentally free, as much as that sounds crazy," Allar said. "I think that's been a huge difference for me this year." The biggest criticism of Allar — and really Penn State as a whole during the 11-year James Franklin era — is that he isn't capable of winning the big games. He's 0-2 against rival Ohio State and threw a late interception against Oregon in the Big Ten title game earlier this month, which sealed the Ducks' 45-37 victory. He wasn't great in the CFP's first round, either, completing just 13 of 22 passes for 127 yards as Penn State muscled past SMU 38-10 on a cold, blustery day to advance to the Fiesta Bowl. But the quarterback is confident a better performance — aided by a game that will be played in comfortable temperatures in a domed stadium — is coming. "For me, I just have to execute those (easy) throws early in the game and get our guys into rhythm," Allar said. "Get them involved early as much as I can and that allows us to stay on the field longer, call more plays and open up our offense more. That will help us a ton, building the momentum throughout the game." Allar might be a favorite punching bag for a section of the Penn State fan base, but that's not the case in his own locker room. Star tight end Tyler Warren praised his quarterback's ability to avoid sacks, saying that the 6-foot-5, 238-pounder brings a toughness that resonates with teammates. "He's a football player," Warren said. "He plays quarterback, but when you watch him play and the energy he brings and the way he runs the ball, he's just a football player and that fires up our offense." Now Allar and Penn State have a chance to silence critics who say that the Nittany Lions don't show up in big games. Not that he's worried about what other people think. "I think it's a skill at the end of the day — blocking out the outside noise," Allar said. "Focusing on you and the process and being honest with yourself, both good and bad." Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!
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