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2025-01-13 2025 European Cup jiliko reviews News

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As fans await the anticipated crossover between Philadelphia-bred series and , Quinta Brunson and Rob McElhenney tided viewers over by joining forces to pull for their hometown Eagles in a promo for “Being an Eagles fan in Los Angeles, I mean, of course you feel like an outsider sometimes,” McElhenny, who hails from Philadelphia, began in the ad. Brunson, who is from West Philly and born to a schoolteacher, agreed: “Being born and raised in Philly, living in LA, you know, you never really forget you’re not here.” The two-time Emmy winning actress and writer was clad in a tracksuit boasting Eagles’ signature green. “Anyone else notice it’s, like, always freaking sunny here?” McElhenney joked in an obvious reference to his show’s namesake and the perpetual sunshine in California. “I guess you could say with the holidays around the corner, it’s nice to have some family in town,” the executive producer began, with Brunson chiming in “especially when your family is playing like this: The two football fans singled out quarterback Jalen Hurts, who made a cameo in a February 2024 episode alongside his teammates, and running back Saquon Barkley in highlight reels, including the latter’s iconic “spin hurdle” that was to video game Madden NFL. But the Los Angeles Rams are formidable opponents, the two stars said: “The Rams did the same thing last year, started slow like they were playing possum,” Brunson noted, with McElhenny adding, “next thing you know, they’re in the playoffs.” (Last year, the Rams lost to the Detroit Lions in the wild card round, with the latter team clinching its first playoff win in 32 years.) “I love the contrast though. And at the end of the day,” Brunson began, with McElhenney finishing her sentence: “There is still no place like home.” The two NFL powerhouses will face off in week 12 of at SoFi Stadium in Inglewood, Calif. tonight. The game kicks off at 5:20 p.m. PT on NBC and Peacock. Heading into the game, the Eagles are 8-2 with the Rams at 5-5. “All right, thanks guys, you can turn off the lights, I actually sleep here, so,” McElhenney said in closing out the video, set to an instrumental of Saint Motel’s “My Type,” filmed on-location at Paddy’s Bar. Last month, the casts of both and to tease the upcoming Disney crossover event of the year. Plot details of the crossover, which will be told in two parts corresponding to each show’s tonally wide-ranging interpretations, are being kept close to the vest. in the midseason to finish out Season 4 beginning Jan. 8, with premiering Season 17 sometime in 2025. View the promo below: Sign up for . For the latest news, follow us on , , and .

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LOS ANGELES (AP) — Right when the Los Angeles Rams' offense has dropped into a disconcerting slump, their defense has held three straight opponents under 10 points for the first time in decades. Although the Rams (10-6) are closing in on an NFC West title and another playoff berth with a five-game winning streak, the way they're doing it makes their postseason prospects quite unpredictable. The methodology has been strange, but the results are not: After holding off Arizona 13-9 on Saturday night, Los Angeles has won nine of 11 and is very close to claiming its fourth division title and sixth playoff berth in coach Sean McVay's eight seasons. “I’m proud of this group and the way they battled back,” Matthew Stafford said. “A lot of people doubted us, and a lot of people wrote us off at 1-4. To be able to sit here with our record what it is right now, I feel proud of this group.” The Rams hadn't held three straight opponents to single-digit scoring since 1975, but rookie coordinator Chris Shula's defense has done it with a strong front and a little luck on the back end, including the last-minute interception by Ahkello Witherspoon on a pass that deflected off star Arizona tight end Trey McBride's head at the goal line. Kyler Murray threw it before McBride was probably ready because Shula had called a zero blitz on first down at the Los Angeles 5. “I want to make more plays to make sure they don’t have to do as much as they did (against Arizona), but I’m proud of them,” Stafford said of the Rams' defense. "It’s awesome to watch where they were in training camp to where they are now. Shula is doing a hell of a job. We all knew he would. Those guys are playing hard for him.” But the Rams have scored more than 21 points just once during their five-game winning streak, their longest since their Super Bowl championship season in 2021. They’ve managed only three touchdowns in their last three games while scoring fewer than 20 points each time out, although that stretch includes games played in the rain (San Francisco) and in subfreezing temperatures (New York Jets). Against the Cardinals in Inglewood's ideal weather, the Rams’ offense still produced one TD, a season-worst 12 first downs and only 257 total yards — 139 fewer than Arizona. The running game struggled again, as it often does when all five starting offensive linemen aren't healthy, while the entire roster aside from Puka Nacua combined for just seven receptions for 60 yards — a surprising number for a McVay offense. “I don’t think there’s one thing I can point to,” McVay said Sunday. “I could go on and on about some of the things, starting with me, but then also about our execution in terms of getting connected in the run game, targeting the right way, making sure that the ball is going where it should go, and guys that I know are capable of playing the way that we’ve seen. If they do that, then I know that it’s not as far as sometimes it can feel like. But ultimately, we’ve got to do it.” What's working The young front four remains the strength of the defense. Jared Verse had a tremendous game on the edge against Murray and Arizona's running game, while fellow rookie Braden Fiske and second-year pros Kobie Turner and Byron Young all recorded sacks. What needs help The Rams again failed to establish the running game despite never trailing Arizona. Kyren Williams got his second-fewest carries of the season (13, with just five in the second half), while rookie Blake Corum was barely involved. Los Angeles' 3.9 yards per rush is the second-lowest mark in the NFL even though Williams began Sunday third in the league with 1,299 yards. Stock up Witherspoon not only made the game-saving interception, but the eight-year veteran who went unsigned until September also has seized the starting cornerback job from Cobie Durant, who didn't play on defense against the Cards despite being healthy again. McVay said Witherspoon's play during Durant's brief injury absence resulted in the change. Stock down Cooper Kupp had one catch against Arizona, and he has just 12 receptions in the past five games, matching the least productive five-game stretch of his eight-year career. Stafford has said the Rams need to get their Super Bowl 56 MVP more involved, and Kupp says he's healthy — yet it isn't happening. Injuries McVay believes the Rams stayed healthy outside of a stinger for rookie safety Kam Kinchens, but they felt the absence of RT Rob Havenstein, who injured his shoulder last week during an unpadded practice. Backup Joe Noteboom committed three holding penalties and got beaten repeatedly. Key number 4 — Stafford's consecutive games without taking a sack. That's the longest streak of his 16-year career, yet he has only one 200-yard passing game in that stretch. Next steps The Rams began Sunday preparing as if they'll play the Seahawks (9-7) next Saturday, although the game could happen a day later. McVay won't show his cards, but if the Rams have clinched, they seem likely to rest several regulars for the playoffs. ___ AP NFL: https://apnews.com/NFL Greg Beacham, The Associated Press

On a bitterly cold Tyneside night West Ham finally remembered how to fight back. Even better for their beleaguered manager, Julen Lopetegui, a team inspired by standout performances from Tomas Soucek and Jarrod Bowen exhibited the sort of ruthless precision strangely absent from Newcastle’s game. Expertly taken goals from Soucek and Aaron Wan-Bissaka reinforced Lopetegui’s fragile job security, lifting West Ham to 14th , three points behind Eddie Howe’s team, as Newcastle’s hopes of Champions League qualification sustained a dent. Before a potentially tenure-defining match, Lopetegui took time to revisit the bronze statue of Sir Bobby Robson that stands just outside St James’ Park. During his days as a goalkeeper, West Ham’s manager played under Robson at Barcelona and learned a lot from him. Three decades on and with his team three points clear of the relegation zone at kick-off, Lopetegui desperately needed to coax the sort of performance Robson would have treasured from his West Ham players here. Although the east London club rarely change managers mid-season there were strong suggestions that the former Spain coach’s future hinged on his team’s performance on Tyneside and then at home against Arsenal on Saturday. Lopetegui knew that, with the former Borussia Dortmund coach Edin Terzic among those reportedly waiting in the wings, a heavy defeat could ruin his hopes of surviving until at least the weekend but, for once, the manager was not the only one in the firing line. Tim Steidten, West Ham’s technical director, is primarily responsible for the summer’s £100m-plus spending splurge and now finds himself under forensic scrutiny. Undeterred by all this off-field politicking, Soucek revelled in placing Howe’s defence under an unflattering microscope as, completely unmarked, he headed Lopetegui’s side into a 10th-minute lead following Emerson’s fine corner. With Lloyd Kelly suffering an alarming concentration lapse, Newcastle suddenly felt the suspended Dan Burn’s absence. They had been on top, with Alexander Isak having an early goal disallowed for offside but, despite subsequently spurning a series of half chances, Howe’s players were frustrated by Lopetegui’s five-man midfield. With the tension rising, West Ham’s manager received a yellow card for dissent after his lively left winger, Crysencio Summerville, was contentiously adjudged to have fouled Sean Longstaff. Given it was the Spaniard’s third booking of the season, he must now watch the Arsenal game from the stands while serving a one-game touchline ban. Howe’s decision to start Joelinton on the right rather than the left wing did not work well. The idea was presumably to offer Anthony Gordon the freedom of his preferred left flank but the England winger let himself down when he shot straight at Lukasz Fabianski, allowing the goalkeeper to save smartly with a leg, following Jean-Clair Todibo’s defensive error. The second period began with a relocation for Joelinton to midfield as Howe introduced Harvey Barnes wide on the left. Sign up to Football Daily Kick off your evenings with the Guardian's take on the world of football after newsletter promotion Barnes impressed but, unfortunately for Howe, his presence served to persuade Soucek and Bowen to redouble their efforts. While Soucek strained every sinew to hold his midfield together, Bowen showed off quick feet and an even faster brain down the right. Bowen played a key role in West Ham doubling their advantage after Lucas Paquetá pinched possession from Bruno Guimarães and played in the England forward. All that remained was for a player much admired by Howe to set up Aaron Wan-Bissaka on the underlap, leaving the right-back to take a touch before evading Nick Pope’s reach courtesy of a shot that brushed a post en route to the back of the net. It was only the third goal of Wan-Bissaka’s career. It proved the signal for Callum Wilson to step off the home bench for his first appearance of another injury-blighted season. He had scored 12 goals in 14 previous appearances against West Ham and quickly saw a penalty appeal rejected, but this was Lopetegui’s night and even Wilson could not spoil it.PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans , especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats . The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump . Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” — Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012. 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A 7-year-old rivalry between tech leaders Elon Musk and Sam Altman over who should run OpenAI and prevent an artificial intelligence "dictatorship" is now heading to a federal judge as Musk seeks to halt the ChatGPT maker's ongoing shift into a for-profit company. Musk, an early OpenAI investor and board member, sued the artificial intelligence company earlier this year alleging it had betrayed its founding aims as a nonprofit research lab benefiting the public good rather than pursuing profits. Musk has since escalated the dispute, adding new claims and asking for a court order that would stop OpenAI’s plans to convert itself into a for-profit business more fully. The world's richest man, whose companies include Tesla, SpaceX and social media platform X, last year started his own rival AI company, xAI. Musk says it faces unfair competition from OpenAI and its close business partner Microsoft, which has supplied the huge computing resources needed to build AI systems such as ChatGPT. “OpenAI and Microsoft together exploiting Musk’s donations so they can build a for-profit monopoly, one now specifically targeting xAI, is just too much,” says Musk's filing that alleges the companies are violating the terms of Musk’s foundational contributions to the charity. OpenAI is filing a response Friday opposing Musk’s requested order, saying it would cripple OpenAI’s business and mission to the advantage of Musk and his own AI company. A hearing is set for January before U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers in Oakland. At the heart of the dispute is a 2017 internal power struggle at the fledgling startup that led to Altman becoming OpenAI's CEO. Musk also sought to be CEO and in an email outlined a plan where he would “unequivocally have initial control of the company” but said that would be temporary. He grew frustrated after two other OpenAI co-founders said he would hold too much power as a major shareholder and chief executive if the startup succeeded in its goal to achieve better-than-human AI known as artificial general intelligence , or AGI. Musk has long voiced concerns about how advanced forms of AI could threaten humanity. “The current structure provides you with a path where you end up with unilateral absolute control over the AGI," said a 2017 email to Musk from co-founders Ilya Sutskever and Greg Brockman. “You stated that you don't want to control the final AGI, but during this negotiation, you've shown to us that absolute control is extremely important to you.” In the same email, titled “Honest Thoughts,” Sutskever and Brockman also voiced concerns about Altman's desire to be CEO and whether he was motivated by “political goals.” Altman eventually succeeded in becoming CEO, and has remained so except for a period last year when he was fired and then reinstated days later after the board that ousted him was replaced. OpenAI published the messages Friday in a blog post meant to show its side of the story, particularly Musk's early support for the idea of making OpenAI a for-profit business so it could raise money for the hardware and computer power that AI needs. It was Musk, through his wealth manager Jared Birchall, who first registered “Open Artificial Technologies Technologies, Inc.”, a public benefit corporation, in September 2017. Then came the “Honest Thoughts” email that Musk described as the “final straw.” “Either go do something on your own or continue with OpenAI as a nonprofit,” Musk wrote back. OpenAI said Musk later proposed merging the startup into Tesla before resigning as the co-chair of OpenAI's board in early 2018. Musk didn't immediately respond to emailed requests for comment sent to his companies Friday. Asked about his frayed relationship with Musk at a New York Times conference last week, Altman said he felt “tremendously sad” but also characterized Musk’s legal fight as one about business competition. “He’s a competitor and we’re doing well,” Altman said. He also said at the conference that he is “not that worried” about the Tesla CEO’s influence with President-elect Donald Trump. OpenAI said Friday that Altman plans to make a $1 million personal donation to Trump’s inauguration fund, joining a number of tech companies and executives who are working to improve their relationships with the incoming administration. —————————— The Associated Press and OpenAI have a licensing and technology agreement allowing OpenAI access to part of the AP’s text archives.

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