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ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. As reaction poured in Sunday from around the world, former President Bill Clinton and his wife Hillary were among those praising Carter for a life devoted to helping others. “Hillary and I mourn the passing of President Jimmy Carter and give thanks for his long, good life. Guided by his faith, President Carter lived to serve others — until the very end,” Clinton said, praising Carter for a commitment to civil rights, protecting natural resources, securing peace between Egypt and Israel, and other accomplishments. The son of the late Martin Luther King Jr., meanwhile, called Carter a “fighter who punched above his weight.” In a statement, Martin Luther King III added that “while history may have been hard on President Carter at times, today, he is remembered as a global human rights leader.” A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.”
NASHVILLE, Tenn (AP) — Josh Heupel made clear his No. 7 Tennessee Volunteers couldn't have started their regular season finale any worse giving up 14 points within the first five minutes. The Vols showed they can finish, which has them on the verge of hosting a College Football Playoff game. Nico Iamaleava threw for 257 yards and four touchdowns rallying Tennessee to routing in-state rival Vanderbilt 36-23 Saturday. “Finishing the way that we needed to and that we wanted to always is sweet, and these guys earned the right for this to be a big game," Heupel said. "They went out, they took it.” The Volunteers (10-2, 6-2 Southeastern Conference; No. 8 CFP) needed a big victory to impress the College Football Playoff committee. They beat Vanderbilt (6-6, 3-5) for a sixth straight season leaving the Commodores needing to win their bowl game to post their first winning record since 2013. Better yet, the Vols rebounded from a nightmare start giving up the first 14 points by scoring 29 straight points. They led 24-17 at halftime on Iamaleava's first three TD passes. “Once they took the momentum, we kind of allowed them to have it for the rest of the game," Vanderbilt coach Clark Lea said. "And you got to credit Tennessee. I mean, obviously, they were playing for the playoffs and credit coach Heupel and his team for their winning performance.” Junior Sherrill returned the opening kickoff 100 yards for a touchdown for Vanderbilt to stun a mostly orange crowd. Dylan Sampson fumbled on the Vols’ second play from scrimmage, and Sedrick Alexanader's 4-yard TD run on a 26-yard drive put Vandy up 14-0 quickly. Then Iamaleava got Tennessee going with a 28-yard TD pass to Dont’e Thornton Jr. Tennessee got a break when Max Gilbert's 50-yard field goal bounced off the crossbar and over. Iamaleava found Thornton again on an 86-yard catch-and-run TD, then he tossed an 18-yard TD pass to Miles Kitselman. “Nico I just thought played really well throughout the course of the football game ...,” Heupel said. An early interception remained on Iamaleava's mind postgame. He also scrambled six times for 42 yards and wasn't sacked once. “I still feel like I can do better,” Iamaleava said. Iamaleava capped the opening drive of the third quartewith a 14-yard TD pass to Mike Matthews. The Vols added a safety by Tyre West and another Gilbert field goal. Story continues below video Diego Pavia threw a 31-yard TD pass to Richie Hoskins late with Vandy's 2-point conversion failing for the final margin. Tennessee shook off yet another slow start. The Vols may move up a spot or two . The biggest question is whether the Vols get to host a playoff game at Neyland Stadium where they went undefeated. Tennessee put together TD drives of 91 and 96 yards in the first half. The Vols then beat Vandy at its own game of keepaway after not even managing 10 minutes of possession in the first half. They finished with the edge in that stat outgaining Vandy 538-212. Vanderbilt had some of the best offensive success against Tennessee in the first half of any opponent this season. The Commodores had 114 yards rushing and 17 points by halftime against a defense that came in ranked sixth nationally allowing just 98.8 yards a game. The Vols also held 10 opponents under 20 points this season. Lea said the Commodores ran just 11 plays to Tennessee's 44 after halftime. The Tennessee running back, who set the program record with 22 rushing TDs this season, didn't reach the end zone for the first time this season. Sampson finished with 178 yards rushing to reach 1,485 yards for the season, topping the school mark of 1,464 set by Travis Stephens in 2001. “I don’t know if anybody’s played the position better than he has this year,” Heupel said of a running back who wasn't among the Doak Walker finalists. “He’s special. He's dynamic.” Tennessee waits to hear its spot in the CFP field, while Vanderbilt learns its bowl destination Dec. 8. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football.
Former US president Jimmy Carter dead at 100
After a thrilling double-overtime win over Fresno State, California Baptist makes the nearly 2,500-mile trip to Orlando to face Central Florida on Sunday. The Lancers (5-3) capped their time at the Acrisure Holiday Invitational in Palm Springs, Calif., with an 86-81 victory over the Bulldogs on Wednesday. That followed a last-second, 79-77 loss to SMU the day before. Dominique Daniels Jr. played 45 minutes against Fresno State and led California Baptist with 29 points. He paces the Lancers with 20.3 points per game, while Kendal Coleman averages 15.1 points and is shooting 59.7 percent form the floor. However, coach Rick Croy's team has struggled from 3-point range, shooting just 30.7 percent entering its first true road game this season. UCF (5-2) is coming off of an 84-76 win over Milwaukee last Wednesday despite being outrebounded 41-31. The Knights were helped by the heroics of senior guard Darius Johnson, who had 28 points as he shot a career-best 8-for-10 from beyond the arc. "Darius was terrific," UCF coach Johnny Dawkins said. "He's so comfortable in his leadership role now, he's leading our team and running the show, and our new players are becoming more comfortable playing with him. He's been a rock for us this season, and you love to see it out of a senior point guard." "I had an extraordinary night shooting the ball from three," Johnson said. "I rarely think that would happen again, but it's great. I know my teammates are going to have nights like that as well." Johnson is among the nation's leaders in minutes per game (36.6) and is shooting a team-high 50 percent from 3-point range (23 of 46). He, along with his fellow guard Jordan Ivy-Curry, are each averaging 16.9 points to lead UCF. The Knights opened the season with an impressive win over Texas A&M, now No. 20 in the AP poll, but lost both games at last weekend's Greenbrier Tip-Off, including a triple-overtime defeat against LSU on Sunday. UCF has not reached the NCAA Tournament since 2018-19. This will be the first meeting between the Knights and the Lancers, who will each have time off afterwards. UCF won't play until Dec. 8 against Tarleton State, while California Baptist is idle until its Dec. 11 game at San Diego State. --Field Level Media
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Residents and relatives say at least nine people were killed during an attack in the Arsi Zone of the Oromia region of Ethiopia on Thursday. Adebebu Workineh is a resident of the Shirka Woreda — or district — in the Arsi Zone, about 250 kilometers southeast of Addis Ababa. He told VOA his younger brother, Haile Workineh, was among the nine victims. "The perpetrators called him from his house and later killed him at a nearby river alongside others," Workineh said in Amharic. Among the dead were women and elders, he added. "During the raid I heard [about] the abduction by phone, but I thought they would ask for ransom as usual. They were carrying rifles, and we were afraid to confront them at the time," he said in Amharic. A second resident of Shirka, who would not give his name because of fear for his safety, said most of the victims were Christians. The whereabouts of four other people who were abducted are not known, he told VOA. Social media sites published purported video of nine bodies wrapped in white clothes being buried together. VOA was not able to independently verify the video. The Arsi Zone, a region known for agriculture, is now marred by violence and killing. Residents blamed the Oromo Liberation Army, an outlawed rebel group fighting against the Ethiopian government army, for the killings. Jiregna Gudeta, an adviser to the OLA commander, told VOA he has no detailed information about the incident and denied OLA was involved. Residents say local authorities do little to protect civilians. The ENAT Party, one of the opposition political parties in Ethiopia, has condemned the attack. "Our concern is not the dead ones, we [are] reaching out to the state officers for the people who are about to be the victim of such killing, we immediately call for the state to act," said Getnet Worku, secretary-general of the party. Oromia regional authorities declined to comment on the attack. Peace rallies were held in six zones in the Oromia region in mid-November. Participants of the demonstrations said the aim was to condemn OLA and demand peace in the region. Oromia region spokesperson Hailu Adugna said at the time that the rallies were organized by the local communities and that government officials had no role. But some witnesses told VOA that government officials were urging people to participate in the demonstrations. Jiregna, reacting to the demonstrations in mid-November, said their group is ready to resolve conflicts peacefully. He said it is doubtful whether the people or the government organized the rally for peace. A previous round of peace talks last year between Ethiopia's federal government and the OLA in Tanzania's semi-autonomous island of Zanzibar — has failed to end the violence. The two sides blamed each other for the failure of the talks. The government cited "unrealistic demands" by the armed group while OLA accused the government of failing to address "fundamental problems" facing the country, according to Reuters. This story originated in VOA's Horn of Africa Service.
Saturday, November 30, 2024 Azerbaijan Airlines (AZAL) has launched a major overhaul of its AZAL Miles loyalty program, bringing exciting new benefits and features designed to offer passengers greater flexibility and rewards. The updated program now caters to both frequent and occasional travelers, making it easier to earn and redeem miles while unlocking a host of exclusive privileges, such as discounted flights, seat upgrades, and more. The complete rebranding of the AZAL Miles program is part of Azerbaijan Airlines’ ongoing commitment to customer satisfaction, digital innovation, and staying competitive in the global airline industry. The new features reflect AZAL’s focus on adapting to current market trends and offering a loyalty program that meets the needs of modern travelers. Why Was the AZAL Miles Program Revamped? The decision to renew the AZAL Miles program stems from a strategic goal to provide passengers with a more rewarding travel experience. AZAL recognizes the increasing competition in the airline industry, where customer loyalty is more crucial than ever. By enhancing the loyalty program with new features, the airline aims to provide better value to passengers, ensure greater satisfaction, and strengthen long-term customer relationships. With a growing emphasis on digital transformation, AZAL is integrating new technologies to improve the overall experience for loyalty program members. As part of the program’s renewal, AZAL has adopted a customer-centric approach to ensure its members can enjoy both improved benefits and a more seamless journey. Key Features of the New AZAL Miles Program The redesigned AZAL Miles program now offers a competitive edge in comparison to some of the world’s leading loyalty programs. The new features and enhancements aim to provide both tangible rewards and a seamless digital experience for members. Key changes include: How to Join the New AZAL Miles Program Joining the updated AZAL Miles program is quick and easy. Passengers can sign up for free through the official website or mobile app. The program is available to anyone over the age of 18, as well as children aged 2 and above, with parental assistance if necessary. Existing members have been automatically transferred to the new system, with their miles extended for an additional three years, valid until August 2027. New members are welcomed with 300 Welcome Miles upon their first flight, and members who have previously held Classic, Gold, or Platinum status can be upgraded to Elite status depending on their recent flight activity. For those who haven’t flown recently, their previous status will still be honored. What’s Next for the AZAL Miles Program? Looking ahead, Azerbaijan Airlines plans to continue expanding and enhancing the AZAL Miles program based on customer feedback. Future updates will include new offers for different passenger segments, exclusive privileges for various membership levels, and ongoing partnerships designed to make it easier for members to earn and redeem miles. In addition, the airline plans to roll out promotions and personalized services that cater to individual customer needs, further enhancing the loyalty program’s value. Conclusion With its revamped AZAL Miles loyalty program, Azerbaijan Airlines is offering passengers more rewards, flexibility, and opportunities than ever before. By combining competitive membership tiers, a more dynamic miles earning system, and exclusive privileges, the program is positioned to provide a richer and more seamless travel experience. Whether you’re flying frequently or just getting started, AZAL Miles makes it easier than ever to earn miles and enjoy premium benefits with Azerbaijan Airlines.
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