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The forgotten Syrian civil war has again flared up with the spectacular capture of Aleppo by opposition forces. A complex set of circumstances created the right time for rebels to strike, plunging Syria into an uncertain future and catching President Bashar al-Assad by surprise. The Syrian civil war has been largely forgotten in a new world defined by the COVID pandemic, the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the Gaza conflict. Now it is firmly back in the international spotlight. Status quo before the attack on Aleppo Let’s remember what was happening in Syria before the recent insurgency. Russia and Iran had backed the Assad government, and its forces were in firm control of Syria’s largest cities, Aleppo (the industrial hub and Syria’s second-largest city, with a population of 2 million), Damascus, Homs and Latakia, among others. After the fall of Islamic State (IS) in 2019, IS remnants and just about all jihadist groups and rebels, together with their families, gathered in the northwestern city of Idlib. This doubled its population to 2.7 million, making it Syria’s largest city. Significantly, Idlib shares a large border with Turkey. Turkey has had a military presence in northeastern Syria and controlled a large territory during three successive military operations in 2017, 2018 and 2019. Largely rural northeastern Syria, as well as the Kurdish and Arab majorities east of the Euphrates River, are controlled by the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG), who managed to fend off IS with US support. This region includes much of Syria’s oil and wheat production. The status quo was cemented by a ceasefire agreement brokered by Russia and Turkey in 2020. Now this has been disrupted with a surprise attack on Aleppo by a coalition of rebels and opposition forces. Why did the insurgents attack Aleppo? The forces that participated in the Aleppo offensive are a coalition of various rebels and anti-Assad opposition groups centred in Idlib. The biggest block is Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which splintered from Al-Qaeda in 2016. A second large group is the Syrian National Army (SNA), a rebel group supported by Turkey. There are a multitude of smaller armed groups within the HTS and SNA coalitions. Pulling together such diverse groups into a coalition needs an facilitator. It seems Turkey has played this role . Taking advantage of the caretaker status of US politics after the elections, Turkey had the opportunity to give the go-ahead to the Aleppo offensive. Outgoing President Joe Biden is politically weak and hardly in a position to pay attention to Syria. President-elect Donald Trump’s previous Syria policy suggests he would not much care who controls Aleppo. Russian preoccupation with the costly war in Ukraine is another contributing factor. Russia has been struggling to win the war for almost three years, with increasing casualties and cost. Russia is a major supplier of weapons to the Assad government . But just about all Russian military personnel – and most importantly weapons – were concentrated on the Ukraine front. Russia’s distraction, and weakening support for the Assad government, partly explains the opportunity seized by the HTS and SNA coalitions. Iran is another important supporter of the Assad government. It has been under increasing pressure from Israel and the US since October 7 for supporting Hamas and other anti-Israel political elements such as Yemen and Hezbollah in Lebanon. Israel has accused Iran of providing weapons to Hezbollah . Added to this, Iran has had a series of political setbacks. In May 2024, Iran lost its President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash . In July 2024, Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in Tehran. Most recently there have been rumours that Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, is seriously ill . Iran’s focus on these factors may have diverted its attention from Syria, potentially weakening its support for the Assad government. What seems to be the real driving force behind the Aleppo offensive is Hamas’s surprise attack on Israel on October 7. That attack demonstrated how a well-coordinated and unified surprise operation could yield military results against a significantly stronger force. It is highly likely that opposition groups in Syria used October 7 as a model and rallied to unite disparate groups under one goal: the capture of Aleppo. They took the opportunity caused by the key players in the Syrian conflict being distracted, striking when it was least expected. What might happen now? After their spectacular success in capturing Aleppo, the anti-Assad forces’ morale is high. They will cement their hold in Aleppo. Rebels may even continue their offensive to Hama , the next large city south of Idlib. Turkey will continue to supply the rebels with political support and supplies. Turkey aims to extend its influence in northern Syria through vassal groups of Sunni Muslims, the dominant orientation of Islam in Turkey. Its main objective is to limit and, if possible, reduce regions controlled by Kurdish YPG. Capturing Aleppo from the Assad government is a key step in this objective. While Kurds are not happy with Turkey’s growing involvement in the Syrian civil war, they may prefer to deal with HTS than the Assad government. Kurdish militia have already announced they are withdrawing from Aleppo and will not contest rebels in the city. Assad continues to receive vital, albeit weakened, support from Russia and Iran . Domestically, Assad enjoys backing from key constituencies, including the Shiite-Alawite population and secular-minded Syrians who oppose the establishment of a theocratic state. These groups provide Assad with a critical base of support, which reinforces his regime’s resilience in the face of opposition advances. Assad is expected to intensify efforts to reclaim Aleppo. Even if he ultimately loses the city, he may use the battle as an opportunity to consolidate his hold over other key regions and fortify his power in the territories still under his control. The Syrian civil war remains unresolved as the country fractures into three zones: Turkey-backed Sunni forces in the north, US-supported Kurdish forces in the northeast, and the Shiite-backed Assad government controlling the west and south. Each faction, driven by international and local interests, continues to entrench its hold, deepening the divide and complicating prospects for peace. Mehmet Ozalp is affiliated with Islamic Sciences and research Academy Limited.XPO Provides North American LTL Operating Data for November 2024Three Oilers Players Learn Their Fate on Making Team Canada Rosterlucky calico legit or not 。

North Carolina interviews Bill Belichick for head coaching job, AP sources sayAs California politicos look ahead to 2025, the biggest question looming is whether Vice President Kamala Harris — a native daughter, battered just weeks ago by presidential election defeat — will enter the 2026 California governor’s race. Harris has yet to give any public indication on her thoughts and those close to her suggest the governorship is not immediately top of mind. But if Harris does ultimately run — and that’s a massive — her entrée would seismically reshape the already crowded race for California’s highest office. Harris would have a major advantage, with 46% of likely voters saying they were somewhat or very likely to support her for governor in 2026, according to a UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies survey co-sponsored by The Times. “If Vice President Harris were to choose to run, I am certain that that would have a near field-clearing effect on the Democratic side,” Rep. Katie Porter, D-Irvine, said . Porter, a high-profile Democrat who has been eyeing the wide-open governor’s race, has yet to say whether she plans to run. Porter’s point was broadly echoed in conversations with nearly a dozen California political operatives and strategists, several of whom requested anonymity to speak candidly. Most speculated that a Harris entry would cause some other candidates in the race to scatter, creating further upheaval in down-ballot races as a roster of ambitious politicians scramble for other opportunities. “In politics, you always let the big dogs eat first,” quipped Democratic political consultant Peter Ragone. The current gubernatorial field is a who’s who of California politicians, but lacks a clear favorite or star with widespread name recognition. The vast majority of California’s 22 million voters have yet to pay attention to the race and have little familiarity with the candidates. The list of Democratic candidates includes Los Angeles’ first Latino mayor in more than a century ( ); the first female and first out LGBTQ leader of the state Senate ( ); the sitting lieutenant governor and first woman to hold that post ( ); the state superintendent of public instruction ( ) and the former state controller ( ). Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom is serving his second term as California governor, meaning he is ineligible to run again. Several other Democrats, including Porter, outgoing Health and Human Services Director Xavier Becerra and state Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta have also publicly toyed with the idea of a run. They could be less likely to enter the fray should Harris decide to run. What the billionaire mall mogul Rick Caruso — who has also been exploring a run — would choose to do is an open question, as Caruso might contrast himself with Harris as a more centrist candidate. The real estate developer was a registered Republican until November 2019. It’s unlikely that Harris will proffer a public decision in the immediate term, leaving plenty of time for political insiders to game out hypotheticals in the weeks and months to come. Harris’ office did not respond to a request for comment. “I think every candidate for governor is trying to get some kind of intel,” Mike Trujillo, a Los Angeles-based Democratic political consultant and former Villaraigosa staffer, said of a potential Harris run. Trujillo speculated that Harris’ current state was probably similar to in the Chappaqua woods after losing to Donald Trump in 2016, or Al Gore in the bruising aftermath of his 2000 defeat. “The first thing she’s probably thinking about is, ‘Well, can I run again for president in four years?’ Not, ‘Do I run for governor in two years?’” said one political operative who’s worked with Harris in the past. Harris maintains a home in Brentwood and previously served as California’s senator and attorney general. A successful run for governor in 2026 would almost certainly impede a grab for the presidency in 2028. (Though if history is any guide, an unsuccessful run for California governor does not definitively preclude a bid for the Oval Office: Two years after losing the White House to John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon . The Yorba Linda native became the nation’s 37th president in 1969.) As the chief executive of a state that doubles as the world’s fifth-largest economy, Harris would have more power to steer policy and make changes as a California governor than she did as vice president, where her job required deference to President Biden. But leading a state, even the nation’s most populous, could feel like small potatoes after being a heartbeat (and a few dozen electoral votes) from the presidency. The protracted slog to November 2026 would also be a stark contrast to her ill-fated 107-day sprint toward the White House, particularly for a candidate was dogged by allegations of infighting and mismanagement. “I don’t think Kamala Harris has a deep psychological need to be governor of California, or to be in elective office in order to feel like she can contribute to society,” said the operative who’s worked with Harris in the past. “I think some of these people do, but she’s somebody who has enough prominence that she could do a lot of big, wonderful things without having to worry about balancing California’s budget or negotiating with Assemblyman Jesse Gabriel,” the Encino Democrat who chairs the Assembly’s budget committee. Technically, Harris has until March 2026 to decide whether she enters a race. But political strategists who spoke to The Times theorized that she probably would make a move by late spring, if she chooses to do so. “People will be more annoyed if she drops in in June,” a Democratic strategist involved with one of the gubernatorial campaigns said. Sending a clear signal by February would be more “courteous,” the strategist continued, explaining that such a move would give candidates more time to potentially enter other races. Kounalakis is a , and the vice president also has long-term relationships with some of the other candidates and potential candidates. California has eight statewide elected offices and campaign finance laws allow candidates to fundraise interchangeably for them, meaning money already raised for a candidate’s gubernatorial campaign could easily be redirected should they decide to run for, say, lieutenant governor instead. There are already for lieutenant governor, including former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs, former state Sen. Steven Bradford and former state Treasurer Fiona Ma. But that office probably would see even more interest should Harris enter the gubernatorial race. It’s a largely ceremonial position, but one that has served as a launching pad for the governorship. Still, even if Harris does enter the race, Republican political strategist Mike Murphy threw cold water on the idea that she would have an automatic glide path to the governor’s office. “It’s like Hollywood. Nobody knows anything. She’s famous enough to look credible in early polling. That’s all we know for sure,” Murphy said. “Does that predict the future? No. Are there a lot of downsides (to a potential Harris candidacy)? Totally, yes.” ©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.ECI refutes Congress' claims of voter data discrepancies in Haryana election

Bill Belichick gets epic College Football welcome in North Carolina's Family Guy-inspired videoCLAYTON — St. Louis County Clerk Diann Valenti tried to make it look like a staffer, hired in violation of a state ban on nepotism, was just a volunteer and not an employee, according to charges made public on Tuesday. Prosecutors accused Valenti of modifying personnel records and falsely stating Councilman Dennis Hancock’s stepdaughter, Hollie Galati, was only a volunteer. She didn’t act alone, and did so “with the purpose to defraud,” county prosecutors alleged in charges. But, after St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney Wesley Bell resigns on Jan. 2, the county will have a new top prosecutor. Valenti’s lawyer said the case won’t go anywhere under Bell’s replacement. “Any normal prosecutor will dismiss this case,” said Joe Hogan, who represents the clerk. Valenti was just doing her job, he added. After Hancock and Galati realized her employment by Hancock was not allowed under Missouri law, Galati said she didn’t want to be paid for the few days she worked at the county as the councilman’s legislative assistant. Valenti tried to adjust personnel records to reflect the change. “These were people doing their daily jobs,” Hogan said. “Who did she defraud?” The indictment was kept under seal until Valenti was served a summons, with the charges, on Tuesday, Hogan said. Now, it’s public and the case will appear in court records as soon as clerks can file it, he said. The Christmas holiday could delay the filing. A hearing is set for Jan. 15. Hogan said he’ll file a motion to dismiss the case. Valenti also works as the administrative director for the County Council, and its members vigorously defended her against an effort they said was coordinated by County Executive Sam Page. Council Chair Shalonda Webb, a Democrat from north St. Louis County, also accused the prosecuting attorney of unfairly targeting Valenti. “Sam Page is not acting alone,” Webb said at a special council meeting Friday morning. “Wesley Bell, someone I had come to trust, and the people of our community depended on, has found himself as a willing accomplice.” On Friday, Bell’s spokesman, Chris King, issued a statement on behalf of the prosecuting attorney: “It is disappointing and inappropriate for public officials to make public comments on evidence or matters that they have not seen. Every defendant has a right to their day in court, and anyone charged will have theirs.” On Tuesday, King declined to comment. Also on Tuesday, Page spokesman Doug Moore said, “We don’t comment on sealed indictments. We will let the legal process play out.” Valenti attended Friday’s special council meeting in her regular role. She serves as the custodian of records, reminds councilmembers of procedural rules and generally keeps the meetings on track. She also handles bills and other administrative responsibilities for the council. “She is the jewel of this council staff and should be treated that way,” Webb said. The council introduced legislation to pay for Valenti’s legal fees with taxpayer money. Six out of seven councilmembers, including two Democrats who frequently side with the county executive, supported the bill. Republican Councilman Ernie Trakas abstained because he feels the county shouldn’t pay anyone’s bills in a criminal case. But he said he was still “concerned and incensed” by the case against Valenti. “It has an odor of political gaming to it,” Trakas said. The bill could pass at the council’s next meeting on Jan. 7. On Friday, a judge ruled Gov. Mike Parson gets to pick a replacement for Bell, the county prosecuting attorney. Parson said he’ll pick Melissa Price Smith, who has worked as an assistant prosecuting attorney in the county since 2008. Valenti has worked for the county since 2015, according to her online résumé. She started as a legislative assistant to former Councilman Kevin O’Leary and in 2017 began working as the deputy county clerk. She took her current job in August 2019. She has gained a reputation among councilmembers for her precision and consistency. Last year, Valenti won an award from the Missouri Press Association for dutifully filling open records requests. Valenti was indicted by a grand jury this week, and grand jury proceedings are private. When one is convened, the jury listens to evidence from a prosecutor and issues an indictment when its members feel there is enough evidence to charge a defendant. An indictment differs from other cases where prosecutors file the charges. The St. Louis County grand jury issued charges in over two dozen other cases this week.

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Even in this banner season for military academy football — complete with winning streaks, national rankings and a conference championship — the biggest goal remains the same. For Army: Beat Navy. For Navy: Beat Army. With the college football landscape changing at a furious rate, the significance of this matchup adds a dose of tradition to mid-December, amid all that talk about the transfer portal and the new expanded playoff. "We've had a good year. You make it a great year by winning this game coming up on Saturday. Frankly, that's just the way it goes around here," Army coach Jeff Monken said. "It's a game and a season really all of its own. We don't apologize for talking about it all the time. We talk about it all the time, and it's 365 days a year." Saturday in Landover, Maryland, is the 125th matchup between Army and Navy, and although these two programs are long removed from their days winning national titles and Heisman Trophies, this is a historic moment in the rivalry. The Black Knights and Midshipmen have combined for 19 wins this season, their highest total ever entering this game. Army (11-1) is ranked 19th in the AP poll after beating Tulane last week to win the American Athletic Conference — the first league title of any kind in the team's 134-year history. Navy (8-3) was ranked as well earlier this season after starting with six straight victories. "I knew we were going to be an improved football team," Navy coach Brian Newberry said. "Didn't know exactly what that was going to look like. I think certainly we've improved in a lot of different areas. I'm excited about the season we've had." This was Army's first season in the AAC, putting the Black Knights and Midshipmen in the same league, although their annual matchup is considered a nonconference game. For a while, there was a chance the teams could meet twice, with a conference championship clash coming before the regularly scheduled Army-Navy game, but that didn't happen. Their most prominent common opponent came from outside the league. Notre Dame handed both Navy and Army its first loss, beating the Midshipmen 51-14 and the Black Knights 49-14. Within the AAC, both teams beat Temple, UAB and East Carolina. Army beat Tulane and Rice and Navy lost to those two teams. Army and Navy also each won its nonconference game against Air Force. Those victories over Air Force mean this season's Commander-In-Chief's Trophy comes down to the Army-Navy game. It's the first time since 2017 that both teams enter this game with a shot at the trophy. It's also the first time since 2017 that both teams enter the game with bowl bids secured. Navy faces Oklahoma in the Armed Forces Bowl and Army takes on Marshall in the Independence Bowl. This year's Army-Navy game is at the Washington Commanders' home stadium in Landover. It was also held there in 2011. This is the first time the game has been in Maryland since Baltimore hosted it in 2016. Baltimore is also up next in 2025. Army quarterback Bryson Daily has 29 rushing touchdowns this season, which is tied for the FBS lead with running back Ashton Jeanty, Boise State's Heisman finalist. Only one QB in FBS history has run for more TDs in a season than Daily. That was Navy's Keenan Reynolds, with 31 in 2013. "You come here to play in this game. The biggest stage possible, millions of people watching and a sold-out NFL stadium. It's awesome," Daily said. "None of the games that happened before this matter. We're going into this game like we're 0-0, they're 0-0 because that's just how you have to come into this game." Navy's closest game this season — win or lose — was a 56-44 win over Memphis. The Midshipmen are the only FBS team that hasn't had a game this season decided by eight points or fewer. AP Sports Writer Stephen Whyno contributed to this report. Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!

WASHINGTON — A powerful government panel on Monday failed to reach consensus on the possible national security risks of a nearly $15 billion proposed deal for Nippon Steel of Japan to purchase U.S. Steel, leaving the decision to President Joe Biden, who opposes the deal. The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, known as CFIUS, sent its long-awaited report on the merger to Biden, who formally came out against the deal in March. He has 15 days to reach a final decision, the White House said. A U.S. official familiar with the matter, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the private report, said some federal agencies represented on the panel were skeptical that allowing a Japanese company to buy an American-owned steelmaker would create national security risks. Monday was the deadline to approve the deal, recommend that Biden block it or extend the review process. Both Biden and President-elect Donald Trump have courted unionized workers at U.S. Steel and vowed to block the acquisition amid concerns about foreign ownership of a flagship American company. The economic risk, however, is giving up Nippon Steel's potential investments in the mills and upgrades that might help preserve steel production within the United States. Under the terms of the proposed $14.9 billion all-cash deal, U.S. Steel would keep its name and its headquarters in Pittsburgh, where it was founded in 1901 by J.P. Morgan and Andrew Carnegie. It would become a subsidiary of Nippon Steel, and the combined company would be among the top three steelmakers in the world, according to 2023 figures from the World Steel Association. Biden, backed by the United Steelworkers, said earlier this year that it was "vital for (U.S. Steel) to remain an American steel company that is domestically owned and operated.” Trump has also opposed the acquisition and vowed earlier this month on his Truth Social platform to “block this deal from happening.” He proposed reviving U.S. Steel's flagging fortunes “through a series of Tax Incentives and Tariffs.” The steelworkers union questions if Nippon Steel would keep jobs at unionized plants, make good on collectively bargained benefits or protect American steel production from cheap foreign imports. “Our union has been calling for strict government scrutiny of the sale since it was announced. Now it’s up to President Biden to determine the best path forward,” David McCall, the steelworkers' president, said in a statement Monday. “We continue to believe that means keeping U.S. Steel domestically owned and operated.” Nippon Steel and U.S. Steel have waged a public relations campaign to win over skeptics. U.S. Steel said in a statement Monday that the deal “is the best way, by far, to ensure that U.S. Steel, including its employees, communities, and customers, will thrive well into the future.” Nippon Steel said Tuesday that it had been informed by CFIUS that it had referred the case to Biden, and urged him to “reflect on the great lengths that we have gone to to address any national security concerns that have been raised and the significant commitments we have made to grow U. S. Steel, protect American jobs, and strengthen the entire American steel industry, which will enhance American national security.” “We are confident that our transaction should and will be approved if it is fairly evaluated on its merits,” it said in a statement. A growing number of conservatives have publicly backed the deal, as Nippon Steel began to win over some steelworkers union members and officials in areas near its blast furnaces in Pennsylvania and Indiana. Many backers said Nippon Steel has a stronger financial balance sheet than rival Cleveland-Cliffs to invest the necessary cash to upgrade aging U.S. Steel blast furnaces. Nippon Steel pledged to invest $2.7 billion in United Steelworkers-represented facilities, including U.S. Steel’s blast furnaces, and promised not to import steel slabs that would compete with the blast furnaces. It also pledged to protect U.S. Steel in trade matters and to not lay off employees or close plants during the term of the basic labor agreement. Earlier this month, it offered $5,000 in closing bonuses to U.S. Steel employees, a nearly $100 million expense. Nippon Steel also said it was best positioned to help American steel compete in an industry dominated by the Chinese. The proposed sale came during a tide of renewed political support for rebuilding America’s manufacturing sector, a presidential campaign in which Pennsylvania was a prime battleground, and a long stretch of protectionist U.S. tariffs that analysts say has helped reinvigorate domestic steel. Chaired by Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, CFIUS screens business deals between U.S. firms and foreign investors and can block sales or force parties to change the terms of an agreement to protect national security. Congress significantly expanded the committee's powers through the 2018 Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act, known as FIRRMA. In September, Biden issued an executive order broadening the factors the committee should consider when reviewing deals — such as how they impact the U.S. supply chain or if they put Americans’ personal data at risk. Nippon Steel has factories in the U.S., Mexico, China and Southeast Asia. It supplies the world’s top automakers, including Toyota Motor Corp. , and makes steel for railways, pipes, appliances and skyscrapers.Kylie Jones reports. TAMPA, Fla. - Hillsborough County Sheriff Chad Chronister said he's withdrawing from consideration after President-elect Donald Trump nominated him to head the Drug Enforcement Administration. Chronister made the announcement on social media Tuesday afternoon, nearly a week after the Trump nominated him to become the administrator. "To be nominated by President-Elect Donald J. Trump to serve as Administrator of the Drug Enforcement Administration is the honor of a lifetime," Chronister said. "Over the past several days, as the gravity of this very important responsibility set in, I’ve concluded that I must respectfully withdraw from consideration." RELATED: Former DEA intelligence analyst praises Chronister’s nomination to head agency, warns of possible weakness In the statement, he wrote that there is still work for him to do as the sheriff in Hillsborough County. He said he is committed to the role and continuing to work on initiatives he's started on the local level. "I sincerely appreciate the nomination, outpouring of support by the American people, and look forward to continuing my service as Sheriff of Hillsborough County," Chronister said. The nomination drew a lot of praise from state leaders, including those in law enforcement. Former Tampa Police Chief Brian Dugan, who worked alongside the Hillsborough sheriff for three decades, was one of them. PREVIOUS: President-elect Trump nominates Hillsborough Sheriff Chad Chronister as DEA Administrator "He worked as a detective with other DEA agents years ago, and he also, as Sheriff, worked with the heads of DEA locally," Dugan said. Chronister has served the Hillsborough County Sheriff’s Office for more than 30 years. WATCH FOX 13 NEWS: STAY CONNECTED WITH FOX 13 TAMPA: Download the FOX Local app for your smart TV Download FOX Local mobile app: Apple | Android Download the FOX 13 News app for breaking news alerts, latest headlines Download the SkyTower Radar app Sign up for FOX 13’s daily newsletterGlobal stocks mostly rose Tuesday, with US and German indices posting records, as markets weighed Chinese stimulus hopes, political tensions in France and the US interest-rate outlook. Germany's blue-chip DAX stock index jumped above 20,000 points for the first time and Paris rebounded even as France braced for new political turmoil. In New York, both the S&P 500 and Nasdaq narrowly rose to finish at records, while the Dow pulled back. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.Football: Coach Prime’s CU Buffs set to add young talent as signing period begins

Survival 'possible' in no confidence vote, says French PM