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Japanese PM Shigeru Ishiba is fighting to reverse a free fall in his public approval ratings to the 30 per cent range despite taking office only in October. Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has dreamt of leading his country for much of his political career. Yet, having finally beaten the odds to be elevated to the top job, he finds himself floundering at it. Already a subscriber? Log in Get exclusive reports and insights with more than 500 subscriber-only articles every month $9.90 $9.90/month No contract ST app access on 1 mobile device Subscribe now All subscriber-only content on ST app and straitstimes.com Easy access any time via ST app on 1 mobile device E-paper with 2-week archive so you won't miss out on content that matters to you Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you. Read 3 articles and stand to win rewards Spin the wheel nowJimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’Bucks snap a 2-game skid with a 118-113 victory over the Netsfortune gems 2 mod apk

By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.NEW YORK (AP) — Giannis Antetkounmpo had 34 points, 11 rebounds and four assists and the Milwaukee Bucks snapped a two-game skid with a 118-113 win over the Brooklyn Nets on Sunday. Damien Lillard had 15 points and 11 assists and Bobby Portis added 23 points and five rebounds off the bench. The Bucks won for the 10th time in 13 games. Dennis Schroder had 34 points and 10 assists, Cam Johnson scored 26 points and Nic Claxton added 21 points and nine rebounds as the Nets lost for the fourth time in five games, falling to 4-13 against Eastern Conference foes. Milwaukee: Lillard’s streak of six straight 25-point games ended. Antetokounmpo had his NBA-best 14th game with at least 30 points. Brooklyn: Schroder led Brooklyn in scoring for the fourth time this season, surpassing 30 points for the third time. He is averaging 31.5 points in two games against Milwaukee this season and has 493 points in 31 career games against the Bucks. Brooklyn led 108-104 after Schroder's jumper with 3:08 left, but Milwaukee countered by scoring 15 of the game’s final 20 points. Bucks forward Khris Middleton, playing in just his third game this season while recovering from bilateral ankle surgery, scored seven points in the fourth quarter. Portis put Milwaukee ahead for good, 109-108, with a 3-pointer with 2:08 left. Brooklyn snapped Milwaukee’s 15-game streak of holding opponents to below 50% shooting. The Nets were just the fourth team to make more than 50% of its field goals against the Bucks. Milwaukee improved to 1-3 in games in which it allows a team to shoot better than 50%. After making just 8 of 22 field goals (36.4%) in the first quarter, the Nets shot 56% over the final 36 minutes. Milwaukee hosts Orlando in an NBA Cup quarterfinal Tuesday. Brooklyn is at Memphis on Friday. AP NBA: https://apnews.com/hub/NBAU.S. Bancorp stock outperforms competitors on strong trading day

Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’Billionaire entrepreneur Mark Cuban has opened up about his path to success and his unique spending habits in a recent interview. What Happened : Despite his billionaire status, Cuban confessed that he is not one to splurge. However, he did indulge in a house and a plane when he first tasted success. Since then, his spending habits have been more conservative. Cuban believes that a part of his success can be attributed to luck. Speaking with People, Cuban said, “I was born at the right time so that when the internet technology really took off, we were able to start AudioNet, which turned into Broadcast.com, which turned into the first streaming company, which went public and I could turn around and sell for $5.7 billion in stock.” "When I first made money I did go out and buy things, I bought a house, bought a plane," he told the outlet. "But since then, I literally even had a conversation with my wife not long ago that, ‘Okay, we’re allowed to go out and buy some stuff, so if we want to, let’s go look at things.' But I’m not a big spender," Cuban added. Also Read: Mark Cuban’s Million-Dollar Advice To Teens: ‘If I Were 16 Again, I’d Start This Lucrative Side Hustle’ He also stressed the significance of resilience in the face of failure. “It doesn’t matter how many times you fail, you only have to be right once, then everybody can call you an overnight success,” he stated. Today, Cuban’s approach to business has evolved. He avoids phone calls and conducts business primarily via email. He also gives credit to his wife, Tiffany Stewart , for a large part of his success, emphasizing the importance of a strong partnership in both business and personal life. Why It Matters : Mark Cuban’s journey provides valuable insights into the mindset and habits of successful entrepreneurs. His frugality, despite his wealth, is a testament to his disciplined approach to financial management. His acknowledgment of the role of luck in his success is a humble reminder that timing and opportunity often play a crucial role in entrepreneurial success. His emphasis on resilience and the importance of being right just once offers a fresh perspective on dealing with failure. It serves as a reminder that success is not always a linear path and that failures can often lead to greater opportunities. Finally, Cuban’s shift to conducting business primarily via email and his acknowledgment of the role of his wife in his success highlight the importance of adapting to changing circumstances and the value of strong personal relationships in achieving success. Read Next Mark Cuban Drunkenly Bought A $125,000 Lifetime Flight Pass And Turned It Into A Profitable Investment This content was partially produced with the help of AI tools and was reviewed and published by Benzinga editors. © 2024 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved.Eugene Boakye Antwi Reflects on NPP’s 2024 Defeat and the Lessons Learned

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DENVER (AP) — Travis Hunter made a pair of proclamations Thursday: He’s for sure entering the NFL draft after this season, but not until he sees Colorado all the way through the College Football Playoff — if the Buffaloes make it there. The first was already a given for the draft-eligible junior who plays both receiver and cornerback. The second is a risk-reward play for a projected high first-round pick who averages around 120 snaps a game. In years past, it took two extra postseason wins to capture a national title. Now, it could take up to four additional contests. That’s more of a chance to shine, but also more chance for an injury. “I don’t think nobody will opt out because you’re showing NFL teams that you’re more focused on something else, other than the team goal,” Hunter said of the expanded 12-team College Football Playoff. “So I don’t think players are going to opt out of the playoffs.” Hunter and quarterback Shedeur Sanders chatted Thursday in a set of Zoom calls about turning around the program at Colorado (from 4-8 last season to bowl eligibility), chasing a Big 12 title, turning pro — Hunter acknowledged he will “for sure” — and, of course, the Heisman race, where Hunter is currently the odds-on favorite in an award each wants to see the other win. “He’s deserving of it, and if it’s between me and him, I want him to get it,” said Sanders, whose 16th-ranked Buffaloes (8-2, 6-1 Big 12, No. 16 CFP ) travel to Arrowhead Stadium to face Kansas (4-6, 3-4) this weekend. “He does a lot of amazing things that have never been done before.” Countered Hunter: “I know he wants me to win it, but I also want him to win as bad as I want to win it.” Hunter is a generational talent shining on both sides of the ball. As a receiver, he has 74 catches for 911 yards and nine touchdowns. On defense, he has picked off three passes, even though teams are reluctant to throw his direction. Like he did in high school and now in college, he believes he can do both on the next level. But he understands the trepidation of the NFL team that picks him. “They don’t want their top pick to go down too early," Hunter said. “I like when people tell me I can’t do it, because they just motivate me to continue to do what I want to do.” Sanders is turning in a stellar season as well with 27 touchdown passes, one away from tying Sefo Liufau for the most in a single season in program history. He's projected to be one of the first QBs off the draft board. The future certainly looks bright at Colorado thanks to the legacies Sanders and Hunter under coach Deion Sanders. But that's a point to ponder later. “I can’t think too much forward past Saturday,” Shedeur Sanders cracked. “The main thing is winning the Big 12 championship. That’s the main thing we’re focused on." Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football

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NEW YORK (AP) — Giannis Antetkounmpo had 34 points, 11 rebounds and four assists and the Milwaukee Bucks snapped a two-game skid with a 118-113 win over the Brooklyn Nets on Sunday. Damien Lillard had 15 points and 11 assists and Bobby Portis added 23 points and five rebounds off the bench. The Bucks won for the 10th time in 13 games. Dennis Schroder had 34 points and 10 assists, Cam Johnson scored 26 points and Nic Claxton added 21 points and nine rebounds as the Nets lost for the fourth time in five games, falling to 4-13 against Eastern Conference foes. Milwaukee: Lillard’s streak of six straight 25-point games ended. Antetokounmpo had his NBA-best 14th game with at least 30 points. Brooklyn: Schroder led Brooklyn in scoring for the fourth time this season, surpassing 30 points for the third time. He is averaging 31.5 points in two games against Milwaukee this season and has 493 points in 31 career games against the Bucks. Brooklyn led 108-104 after Schroder's jumper with 3:08 left, but Milwaukee countered by scoring 15 of the game’s final 20 points. Bucks forward Khris Middleton, playing in just his third game this season while recovering from bilateral ankle surgery, scored seven points in the fourth quarter. Portis put Milwaukee ahead for good, 109-108, with a 3-pointer with 2:08 left. Brooklyn snapped Milwaukee’s 15-game streak of holding opponents to below 50% shooting. The Nets were just the fourth team to make more than 50% of its field goals against the Bucks. Milwaukee improved to 1-3 in games in which it allows a team to shoot better than 50%. After making just 8 of 22 field goals (36.4%) in the first quarter, the Nets shot 56% over the final 36 minutes. Milwaukee hosts Orlando in an NBA Cup quarterfinal Tuesday. Brooklyn is at Memphis on Friday. AP NBA: https://apnews.com/hub/NBANo. 14 Kentucky women roll past Arizona State with scoring and rebounding balance 77-61

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