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PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.jili178 register philippines 。

FRISCO, Texas (AP) — A rare win as a double-digit underdog came just in time to let the Dallas Cowboys believe their playoff hopes aren't completely gone in 2024. Cooper Rush probably will need three more victories in a row filling in for the injured Dak Prescott for any postseason talk to be realistic. The thing is, the Cowboys (4-7) could be favored in two of those games, and already are by four points as an annual Thanksgiving Day host against the New York Giants (2-9) on Thursday, according to BetMGM. Not to mention the losing record at the moment for each of the next four opponents for the defending NFC East champions, playoff qualifiers each of the past three seasons. The Cowboys have a chance to make something of the at Washington that ended a five-game losing streak. “Behind the eight ball,” Micah Parsons said, the star pass rusher acknowledging the reality that Dallas hadn't done much yet. “Let’s see how we can handle adversity and see if we can make a playoff run. But we got a long way to go.” It was a start, though, powered in part by the best 55 minutes from the Dallas defense since the opener, when the Cowboys dismantled Cleveland and looked the part of a Super Bowl contender. The last five minutes for the Dallas defense against the Commanders looked a lot like most of the nine games after that 33-17 victory over the Browns. Which is to say not very good. Jayden Daniels easily drove Washington 69 yards to a touchdown before throwing an in the final seconds to Terry McLaurin, who weaved through five defenders when a tackle might have ended the game. The Cowboys kept a 27-26 lead thanks to Austin Seibert's second missed extra point, and withstood another blunder when Juanyeh Thomas returned an onside kick recovery for a TD rather than slide and leave one kneel-down from Rush to end the game. Dallas will have to remember it did hold a dynamic rookie quarterback's offense to 251 yards before the madness of the ending in the Cowboys' biggest upset victory since 2010 at the New York Giants. That one was too late to save the season. This one might not be. “We needed it,” embattled coach Mike McCarthy said. “It’s been frustrating, no doubt. We’ve acknowledged that. We’ve got another one right around the corner here, so we have to get some wins and get some momentum.” What's working Rush ended a personal three-game losing streak with his best showing since the previous time he won as the replacement for Prescott, who is out for the season after surgery for a torn hamstring. The 117.6 passer rating was Rush's best as a starter, and the NFL's second-worst rushing attack played a solid complementary role with Rico Dowdle gaining 86 yards on 19 carries. What needs help did more than lift the Cowboys when it appeared an 11-point lead might get away in the final five minutes. It eased the worst day of special teams for Dallas since John Fassel took over that phase four years ago. Suddenly struggling kicker Brandon Aubrey had one field-goal attempt blocked and missed another. Bryan Anger had a punt blocked. For the second time in five games, Aubrey's attempt to bounce a kickoff in front of the return man backfired. The ball bounced outside the landing zone, putting the Commanders at the 40-yard line to start the second half and setting up the drive to the game's first touchdown. Stock up CB Josh Butler, whose NFL debut earlier this season came five years after the end of his college career, had 12 tackles, a sack and three pass breakups. The pass breakups were the most by an undrafted Dallas player since 1994. Stock down Rookie LT Tyler Guyton, who has had an up-and-down season with injuries and performance issues, was benched immediately after getting called for a false start in the fourth quarter. His replacement, Asim Richards, could be sidelined with a high ankle sprain that executive vice president of personnel Stephen Jones revealed on his radio show Monday. Veteran Chuma Edoga, who was the projected starter at Guyton's position before a preseason toe injury, was active but didn't play against the Commanders. He's awaiting his season debut. Injuries The status of perennial All-Pro RG Zack Martin (ankle/shoulder) and LG Tyler Smith (ankle/knee) will be a question on the short week after both sat against Washington. Stephen Jones indicated Smith could be available and said the same of WR Brandin Cooks, who hasn't played since Week 4 because of a knee issue. TE Jake Ferguson may miss at least a second week with a concussion. The short week might make it tough for CB Trevon Diggs (groin/knee) to return. Key number 75% — Rush's completion rate, his best with at least 10 passes. He was 24 of 32 for 247 yards with two touchdowns and no interceptions. His other game with multiple TDs and no picks was a 25-10 victory over Washington two years ago, when he went 4-1 with Prescott sidelined by a broken thumb. Next steps There's some extra rest after the short week, with Cincinnati making a “Monday Night Football” visit on Dec. 9. The next road game is at Carolina on Dec. 15. ___ AP NFL: Schuyler Dixon, The Associated PressFRISCO, Texas (AP) — A rare win as a double-digit underdog came just in time to let the Dallas Cowboys believe their playoff hopes aren't completely gone in 2024. Cooper Rush probably will need three more victories in a row filling in for the injured Dak Prescott for any postseason talk to be realistic. The thing is, the Cowboys (4-7) could be favored in two of those games, and already are by four points as an annual Thanksgiving Day host against the New York Giants (2-9) on Thursday, according to BetMGM. Not to mention the losing record at the moment for each of the next four opponents for the defending NFC East champions, playoff qualifiers each of the past three seasons. The Cowboys have a chance to make something of the improbable and chaotic 34-26 win at Washington that ended a five-game losing streak. “Behind the eight ball,” Micah Parsons said, the star pass rusher acknowledging the reality that Dallas hadn't done much yet. “Let’s see how we can handle adversity and see if we can make a playoff run. But we got a long way to go.” It was a start, though, powered in part by the best 55 minutes from the Dallas defense since the opener, when the Cowboys dismantled Cleveland and looked the part of a Super Bowl contender. The last five minutes for the Dallas defense against the Commanders looked a lot like most of the nine games after that 33-17 victory over the Browns. Which is to say not very good. Jayden Daniels easily drove Washington 69 yards to a touchdown before throwing an 86-yard scoring pass in the final seconds to Terry McLaurin, who weaved through five defenders when a tackle might have ended the game. The Cowboys kept a 27-26 lead thanks to Austin Seibert's second missed extra point, and withstood another blunder when Juanyeh Thomas returned an onside kick recovery for a TD rather than slide and leave one kneel-down from Rush to end the game. Dallas will have to remember it did hold a dynamic rookie quarterback's offense to 251 yards before the madness of the ending in the Cowboys' biggest upset victory since 2010 at the New York Giants. That one was too late to save the season. This one might not be. “We needed it,” embattled coach Mike McCarthy said. “It’s been frustrating, no doubt. We’ve acknowledged that. We’ve got another one right around the corner here, so we have to get some wins and get some momentum.” What's working Rush ended a personal three-game losing streak with his best showing since the previous time he won as the replacement for Prescott, who is out for the season after surgery for a torn hamstring. The 117.6 passer rating was Rush's best as a starter, and the NFL's second-worst rushing attack played a solid complementary role with Rico Dowdle gaining 86 yards on 19 carries. What needs help KaVontae Turpin's electrifying 99-yard kickoff return did more than lift the Cowboys when it appeared an 11-point lead might get away in the final five minutes. It eased the worst day of special teams for Dallas since John Fassel took over that phase four years ago. Suddenly struggling kicker Brandon Aubrey had one field-goal attempt blocked and missed another. Bryan Anger had a punt blocked. For the second time in five games, Aubrey's attempt to bounce a kickoff in front of the return man backfired. The ball bounced outside the landing zone, putting the Commanders at the 40-yard line to start the second half and setting up the drive to the game's first touchdown. Stock up CB Josh Butler, whose NFL debut earlier this season came five years after the end of his college career, had 12 tackles, a sack and three pass breakups. The pass breakups were the most by an undrafted Dallas player since 1994. Stock down Rookie LT Tyler Guyton, who has had an up-and-down season with injuries and performance issues, was benched immediately after getting called for a false start in the fourth quarter. His replacement, Asim Richards, could be sidelined with a high ankle sprain that executive vice president of personnel Stephen Jones revealed on his radio show Monday. Veteran Chuma Edoga, who was the projected starter at Guyton's position before a preseason toe injury, was active but didn't play against the Commanders. He's awaiting his season debut. Injuries The status of perennial All-Pro RG Zack Martin (ankle/shoulder) and LG Tyler Smith (ankle/knee) will be a question on the short week after both sat against Washington. Stephen Jones indicated Smith could be available and said the same of WR Brandin Cooks, who hasn't played since Week 4 because of a knee issue. TE Jake Ferguson may miss at least a second week with a concussion. The short week might make it tough for CB Trevon Diggs (groin/knee) to return. Key number 75% — Rush's completion rate, his best with at least 10 passes. He was 24 of 32 for 247 yards with two touchdowns and no interceptions. His other game with multiple TDs and no picks was a 25-10 victory over Washington two years ago, when he went 4-1 with Prescott sidelined by a broken thumb. Next steps There's some extra rest after the short week, with Cincinnati making a “Monday Night Football” visit on Dec. 9. The next road game is at Carolina on Dec. 15. ___ AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/nfl Schuyler Dixon, The Associated PressLabor is more focused on the culture wars than our economic wellbeing

Legendary Colorado College goalie Marty Wakelyn wore the visiting team’s jersey to Ed Robson Arena on Sunday. No one can fault him. Between the pipes for CC from 1982-86, Wakelyn is the Tigers’ all-team leader in saves with 3,630. His 1,184 saves in the 1984-1985 season stand as the program’s highest season total, and his sum from his sophomore season the year before ranks among CC’s top 10. He is second all-time in games played by a goaltender with 121. Despite his storied history with the black and gold, Wakelyn was firmly in UNLV’s camp Sunday in support of his son Doug, who got the start as the Rebels’ goaltender in the team's exhibition against CC. "Playing here is one thing, and then him wanting to follow my footsteps and wanting to play for CC growing up and that. It's just exciting that he's got this opportunity to step out on the ice around the Colorado College Tiger fans that I got to do for four years," Marty Wakelyn said. "There's a lot of meaning to us this week as well. When I was a freshman, my dad passed away Jan. 1. The anniversary is two days away, and here's my son, who's named after my dad, getting to play here." While the outcome wasn’t favorable for UNLV, an 8-0 loss, Doug cherishes the opportunity to compete against team his father played for and one that he grew up supporting. Doug attended Doherty High School and played hockey for the Pikes Peak Miners AAA team, the Colorado Springs Tigers and the Pueblo Bulls of the United States Premier Hockey League. Wakelyn said he even had the opportunity to practice with CC one summer before COVID. When the Rebels landed this weekend, Doug was ecstatic to be home. "First step out of the plane and coming out of the airport just having that deep breath of air. I miss that," Doug said. "I always love the mountains. Vegas has some hills in there so it's not as bad, but I love driving down here from Denver, being able to see all that, driving through campus, just was able to name everything driving by." Doug finished with 40 saves on Sunday to cap a challenging schedule for the Rebels. They played CC at 3 p.m. after playing at No. 5 Denver at 7 p.m. at Magness Arena on Saturday. UNLV made Sunday's challenge even harder by doing the unthinkable, essentially beating the defending NCAA champions on their home ice as an American Collegiate Hockey Association Division I team. Despite Denver outshooting UNLV 39-12 in the first two periods, the Rebels took a commanding 5-1 lead into the third. The Pioneers mounted a furious comeback, outscoring UNLV 5-1 to send the game to overtime. With no score in the 3-on-3 overtime period, the game went to a shootout where UNLV prevailed. Doug did not play in that game, but whether cheering for UNLV or CC, the Wakelyns always enjoy the opportunity to beat DU. "That was another dream come true, being a Tigers fan growing up, still am," Doug said. "Being able to beat DU is nothing short of fantastic. Even though I didn't get to play in that game, it was something I was very, very happy to be a part of."

WASHINGTON – Jimmy Carter, the earnest Georgia peanut farmer who as United States president struggled with a bad economy and the Iran hostage crisis but brokered peace between Israel and Egypt and later received the Nobel Peace Prize for his humanitarian work, died at his home in Plains, Georgia, on Sunday, the Carter Center said. He was 100. “My father was a hero, not only to me but to everyone who believes in peace, human rights, and unselfish love,” said Chip Carter, the former president’s son. “My brothers, sister, and I shared him with the rest of the world through these common beliefs. The world is our family because of the way he brought people together, and we thank you for honoring his memory by continuing to live these shared beliefs.” A Democrat, he served as president from January 1977 to January 1981 after defeating incumbent Republican President Gerald Ford in the 1976 US election. Carter was swept from office four years later in an electoral landslide as voters embraced Republican challenger Ronald Reagan, the former actor and California governor. Carter lived longer after his term in office than any other US president. Along the way, he earned a reputation as a better former president than he was a president – a status he readily acknowledged. His one-term presidency was marked by the highs of the 1978 Camp David accords between Israel and Egypt, bringing some stability to the Middle East. But it was dogged by an economy in recession, persistent unpopularity and the embarrassment of the Iran hostage crisis that consumed his final 444 days in office. In recent years, Carter had experienced several health issues including melanoma that spread to his liver and brain. Carter decided to receive hospice care in February 2023 instead of undergoing additional medical intervention. His wife, Rosalynn Carter, died on November 19, 2023, at age 96. He looked frail when he attended her memorial service and funeral in a wheelchair. Carter left office profoundly unpopular but worked energetically for decades on humanitarian causes. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 in recognition of his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter had been a centrist as governor of Georgia with populist tendencies when he moved into the White House as the 39th US president. He was a Washington outsider at a time when America was still reeling from the Watergate scandal that led Republican Richard Nixon to resign as president in 1974 and elevated Ford from vice president. “I’m Jimmy Carter and I’m running for president. I will never lie to you,” Carter promised with an ear-to-ear smile. Asked to assess his presidency, Carter said in a 1991 documentary: “The biggest failure we had was a political failure. I never was able to convince the American people that I was a forceful and strong leader.” Despite his difficulties in office, Carter had few rivals for accomplishments as a former president. He gained global acclaim as a tireless human rights advocate, a voice for the disenfranchised and a leader in the fight against hunger and poverty, winning the respect that eluded him in the White House. Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for his efforts to promote human rights and resolve conflicts around the world, from Ethiopia and Eritrea to Bosnia and Haiti. His Carter Center in Atlanta sent international election-monitoring delegations to polls around the world. A Southern Baptist Sunday school teacher since his teens, Carter brought a strong sense of morality to the presidency, speaking openly about his religious faith. He also sought to take some pomp out of an increasingly imperial presidency – walking, rather than riding in a limousine, in his 1977 inauguration parade. The Middle East was the focus of Carter’s foreign policy. The 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty, based on the 1978 Camp David accords, ended a state of war between the two neighbors. Carter brought Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin to the Camp David presidential retreat in Maryland for talks. Later, as the accords seemed to be unraveling, Carter saved the day by flying to Cairo and Jerusalem for personal shuttle diplomacy. The treaty provided for Israeli withdrawal from Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula and establishment of diplomatic relations. Begin and Sadat each won a Nobel Peace Prize in 1978. By the 1980 election, the overriding issues were double-digit inflation, interest rates that exceeded 20% and soaring gas prices, as well as the Iran hostage crisis that brought humiliation to America. These issues marred Carter’s presidency and undermined his chances of winning a second term. On November 4, 1979, revolutionaries devoted to Iran’s Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini had stormed the US Embassy in Tehran, seized the Americans present and demanded the return of the ousted shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who was backed by the United States and was being treated in a US hospital. The American public initially rallied behind Carter. But his support faded in April 1980 when a commando raid failed to rescue the hostages, with eight US soldiers killed in an aircraft accident in the Iranian desert. Carter’s final ignominy was that Iran held the 52 hostages until minutes after Reagan took his oath of office on January 20, 1981, to replace Carter, then released the planes carrying them to freedom. In another crisis, Carter protested the former Soviet Union’s 1979 invasion of Afghanistan by boycotting the 1980 Olympics in Moscow. He also asked the US Senate to defer consideration of a major nuclear arms accord with Moscow. Unswayed, the Soviets remained in Afghanistan for a decade. Carter won narrow Senate approval in 1978 of a treaty to transfer the Panama Canal to the control of Panama despite critics who argued the waterway was vital to American security. He also completed negotiations on full US ties with China. Carter created two new US Cabinet departments – education and energy. Amid high gas prices, he said America’s “energy crisis” was “the moral equivalent of war” and urged the country to embrace conservation. “Ours is the most wasteful nation on earth,” he told Americans in 1977. In 1979, Carter delivered what became known as his “malaise” speech to the nation, although he never used that word. “After listening to the American people I have been reminded again that all the legislation in the world can’t fix what’s wrong with America,” he said in his televised address. “The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of America.” As president, the strait-laced Carter was embarrassed by the behavior of his hard-drinking younger brother, Billy Carter, who had boasted: “I got a red neck, white socks, and Blue Ribbon beer.” Carter withstood a challenge from Massachusetts Senator Edward Kennedy for the 1980 Democratic presidential nomination but was politically diminished heading into his general election battle against a vigorous Republican adversary. Reagan, the conservative who projected an image of strength, kept Carter off balance during their debates before the November 1980 election. Reagan dismissively told Carter, “There you go again,” when the Republican challenger felt the president had misrepresented Reagan’s views during one debate. Carter lost the 1980 election to Reagan, who won 44 of the 50 states and amassed an Electoral College landslide. James Earl Carter Jr. was born on October 1, 1924, in Plains, Georgia, one of four children of a farmer and shopkeeper. He graduated from the US Naval Academy in 1946, served in the nuclear submarine program and left to manage the family peanut farming business. He married his wife, Rosalynn, in 1946, a union he called “the most important thing in my life.” They had three sons and a daughter. Carter became a millionaire, a Georgia state legislator and Georgia’s governor from 1971 to 1975. He mounted an underdog bid for the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination, and out-hustled his rivals for the right to face Ford in the general election. With Walter Mondale as his vice presidential running mate, Carter was given a boost by a major Ford gaffe during one of their debates. Ford said that “there is no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe and there never will be under a Ford administration,” despite decades of just such domination. Carter edged Ford in the election, even though Ford actually won more states – 27 to Carter’s 23. Not all of Carter’s post-presidential work was appreciated. Former president George W. Bush and his father, former President George H.W. Bush, both Republicans, were said to have been displeased by Carter’s freelance diplomacy in Iraq and elsewhere. In 2004, Carter called the Iraq war launched in 2003 by the younger Bush one of the most “gross and damaging mistakes our nation ever made.” He called George W. Bush’s administration “the worst in history” and said Vice President Dick Cheney was “a disaster for our country.” In 2019, Carter questioned Republican Donald Trump’s legitimacy as president, saying “he was put into office because the Russians interfered on his behalf.” Trump responded by calling Carter “a terrible president.” Carter also made trips to communist North Korea. A 1994 visit defused a nuclear crisis, as President Kim Il Sung agreed to freeze his nuclear program in exchange for resumed dialogue with the United States. That led to a deal in which North Korea, in return for aid, promised not to restart its nuclear reactor or reprocess the plant’s spent fuel. But Carter irked Democratic President Bill Clinton’s administration by announcing the deal with North Korea’s leader without first checking with Washington. In 2010, Carter won the release of an American sentenced to eight years hard labor for illegally entering North Korea. Carter wrote more than two dozen books, ranging from a presidential memoir to a children’s book and poetry, as well as works about religious faith and diplomacy. His book “Faith: A Journey for All,” was published in 2018. – Rappler.com

Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’

The confidential briefing note is part of the tranche of documents made public in the annual release of State papers from the Irish National Archives. An Irish Department of Foreign Affairs official focusing on justice and security created the list in October 2002. The document starts by referencing a 1999 interview given by George Mitchell, the chairman of the Good Friday Agreement negotiations, in which he claimed the British and Irish governments, as well as Northern Ireland’s political parties, had leaked information to manipulate public opinion. However, he further accused the NIO of attempting to sabotage the process by leaking information on British Government policy to the media. Mr Mitchell, a former US senator, is said to have expressed alarm and anger over the frequency of leaks from the NIO – saying they were uniquely “designed to undermine the policy of the British Government of which they were a part”. The Irish civil servant notes Mr Mitchell himself was subjected to an attempted “smear” when he first arrived in Northern Ireland, as newspaper articles falsely claimed his chief of staff Martha Pope had had a liaison with Sinn Fein representative Gerry Kelly with ulterior motives. The Irish civil servant goes on to list several “leaks”, starting with the publication of a proposed deal in a newspaper while “intense negotiations” for the Downing Street Declaration were under way. Next, the Department lists two “high-profile and damaging leaks issued from the NIO”. A so-called “gameplan” document was leaked in February 1998, showing papers had been prepared weeks before the Drumcree march on July 6, 1997. In the preceding years, there had been standoffs and clashes as nationalists opposed the procession of an Orange parade down Garvaghy Road in Portadown. The gameplan document showed then secretary of state for Northern Ireland Mo Mowlam, who was publicly expressing a desire for a negotiated solution to the 1997 parade, advocated “finding the lowest common denominator for getting some Orange feet on the Garvaghy Road”. In 1997, a large number of security forces were deployed to the area to allow the march to proceed. The incident sparked heightened tension and a wave of rioting. The document further describes the release of a document submitted by the NIO’s director of communications to the secretary of state as a “second major leak”. It claims a publicity strategy was released to the DUP in the aftermath of the Good Friday Agreement and showed how the UK Government would support a yes vote in a referendum following any talks agreement. In addition, it is claimed unionists used leaked sections of the Patten report on policing to invalidate its findings ahead of its publication in 1999. The report recommended the replacement of the Royal Ulster Constabulary with the Police Service of Northern Ireland, the changing of symbols, and a 50-50 recruitment policy for Catholics and Protestants. At the time, UUP leader David Trimble said the recommendations would lead to a corruption of policing in Northern Ireland. Chris Patten, chairman of the independent commission on policing, said some of the assertions were a “total fabrication” and designed to “muddy the waters” to create a difficult political atmosphere. Elsewhere, the author notes it was leaked to the media there was serious disagreement between the governments of the UK and Ireland on the composition of that commission – with not a single name submitted by the Irish side being accepted by the other. The author notes this incident, still under the heading “NIO leaks”, was believed by British officials to have emanated from the Irish side. The report turns to leaks of other origin, claiming “disgruntled Special Branch officers in Northern Ireland” were blamed by the British Government for a series of releases about the IRA which were designed to damage Sinn Fein in the 2001 general election in Northern Ireland. One senior Whitehall source was quoted in the Guardian as complaining that Special Branch was “leaking like a sieve” after details of an IRA intelligence database containing the names of leading Tories – described at the time as a “hit list” – was passed to the BBC in April 2002. The briefing note adds: “This was followed days later by a leak to The Sunday Telegraph which alleged that senior IRA commanders bought Russian special forces rifles in Moscow last year. “The newspaper said it was passed details by military intelligence in London.” The briefing note adds that other Special Branch leaks were associated with the Castlereagh break-in. The final incident in the document notes the Police Ombudsman’s Report on the Omagh bombing was also leaked to the press in December 2001. Then Northern Ireland secretary John Reid said at the time: “Leaks are never helpful and usually malicious – I will not be commenting on this report until I have seen the final version.” The reason for creating the list of leaks, which the Irish National Archives holds in a folder alongside briefing notes for ministers ahead of meetings with officials from the UK Government and NIO, is not outlined in the document itself. – This document is based on material in 2024/130/6.

Reports: Saints concerned over QB Derek Carr's hand injuryBoise State football’s love affair with the Fiesta Bowl could gain a major new chapter as we usher out 2024. The College Football Playoff committee released its final rankings on Sunday morning, setting the bracket for the 12-team playoffs in stone. The Broncos will play at 5:30 p.m. Mountain time on New Year’s Eve in the quarterfinals. Boise State came in at No. 9 overall in the rankings, but because the Broncos were among the four highest-ranked conference champions, they earned a first-round bye, and even slotted in as the No. 3 seed by being higher in the CFP Top 25 than two Power 4 league winners: the Big 12’s Arizona State and the ACC’s Clemson. That sets Boise State up for a fourth Fiesta Bowl appearance in program history. The Broncos are 3-0 in that game, most recently winning in 2014, when they defeated Arizona 37-30. The most famous victory came 43-42 over Oklahoma on Jan. 1, 2007, and there also was the Jan. 4, 2010, win over TCU by a 17-10 score. Those wins both completed undefeated seasons, but this time around, Boise State actually will have a chance to compete for a national championship. There’s another difference, too: When those past Fiesta Bowls were announced, the team immediately knew its opponent. Because of its bye, Boise State must wait to see who wins a first-round matchup between No. 6 Penn State and No. 11 SMU to learn its foe in the Dec. 31 game in Glendale, Arizona. Boise State redshirt sophomore quarterback Maddux Madsen said he’d kind of prefer to play Penn State because of the school’s “rich tradition of football.” The Nittany Lions, who will host the game against SMU, opened as an 8.5-point favorite . Here’s what to know about the two schools and what they bring to the table. The obvious attraction on paper, no matter who wins, will be a rushing game showdown: Boise State superstar Ashton Jeanty and a strong offensive line vs. a top-ranked run defense. No. 6 Penn State Penn State finished the season 11-2. The Nittany Lions played three ranked teams this season, beating then-No. 19 Illinois in late September, and losing to Ohio State in November and to No. 1 Oregon in the Big Ten championship game. The Nittany Lions lost 45-37 to the undefeated Ducks on Saturday afternoon. Boise State also played Oregon in the regular season, losing 37-34 on a last-second field goal. That means Penn State’s best win of the year came against Illinois, which finished No. 20 in the final CFP rankings. The Nittany Lions also had a come-from-behind 26-25 win over Minnesota, which finished 7-5 and tied for seventh place in the Big Ten. The Illini finished 9-3 and tied for fifth in the conference. Despite this, Penn State was actually No. 4 in the final CFP rankings before slotting into the 6 seed in the bracket, one spot ahead of one-loss Notre Dame, which beat four Top 25 teams; two spots ahead of Ohio State, which had the head-to-head win over the Nittany Lions and also beat Indiana, another playoff team; and three spots ahead of Tennessee, which beat Alabama and two other teams when they were in the Top 25. Penn State ranks 25th in the nation for scoring offense, averaging 33.6 points per game. That’s almost a touchdown behind Boise State, which averages 39.1 points per game to rank fourth in the nation. The Nittany Lions’ quarterback is junior Drew Allar, who is in his second season as the starter. He’s thrown for 2,894 yards and 21 touchdowns in 2024, with seven interceptions. Allar’s favorite target is tight end Tyler Warren, who’s got 1,062 yards on 88 receptions — the next closest player is wide receiver Harrison Wallace III, who had 638 yards on just 39 catches. The real danger for Penn State comes from its two-headed rushing attack. The Nittany Lions have two running backs — Nicholas Singleton and Kaytron Allen — who have rushed for over 800 yards this season. Of course, those totals pale in comparison to Boise State junior running back Ashton Jeanty, who has 2,497 yards to lead the nation. But Penn State has the nation’s No. 9 rushing defense, allowing just 103.6 rushing yards per game. And that defense held eight opponents to 13 or fewer points this season. No. 11 SMU SMU grabbed the final at-large playoff berth in somewhat of a surprise, after staging a second-half comeback before falling to three-loss Clemson 34-31 on a last-second field goal in the ACC championship game Saturday night. The Mustangs finished the year 11-2 and got in over the likes of fellow ACC member Miami (10-2) and perennial playoff team Alabama, which went 9-3 but had higher-quality wins on its resume — as well as much worse losses. The Mustangs were unbeaten in ACC play in the regular season, but they did not face Miami, Clemson or Syracuse — the other top teams in the standings. SMU’s only other loss was also by three points, 18-15 to BYU (10-2) in early September. The Mustangs’ best wins would be hammering then-unbeaten Pittsburgh (7-5) by a 48-25 score, and a 34-27 victory over then-No. 22 Louisville (8-4). They also beat a 9-3 Duke squad, but they don’t boast a win over a single team in the final CFP rankings. The Mustangs are led by redshirt sophomore quarterback Kevin Jennings. He surpassed the 3,000-yard mark on the season with his efforts Saturday night against Clemson (304 yards, three TDs) and has thrown 22 touchdowns and eight interceptions. Jennings is also shifty on his feet, rushing for 464 yards this season. The Broncos are used to that and have done well against some dual-threat quarterbacks, holding Washington State’s John Mateer to 28 rushing yards and keeping UNLV’s Hajj-Malik Williams in check in the Mountain West title game, until Williams had a big scramble late in the game to reach 56 rushing yards. The Mustangs are even better than Penn State at stopping the run. They rank fourth in the nation in rushing defense, holding opponents to 93.4 yards per game. But their passing defense is nothing to write home about, yielding 232.7 yards per game to rank 92nd in the nation. This story was originally published December 8, 2024, 4:26 PM. Boise State earns first-round playoff bye, slots into Fiesta Bowl. Here are seeds, matchups Ready to alter New Year’s Eve plans to go to Fiesta Bowl, Boise State fans? Act fastOfficials at the Los Angeles County Office of Education (LACOE) have taken a proactive approach to artificial intelligence in the past year — forming a task force to conduct surveys on how schools were already using generative AI, then creating guidelines to vet tech vendors, pilot new AI products, train staff to use new tools and even budget for future innovations. At the California Information Technology in Education (CITE) conference in San Diego this week, three of those officials shared what they've learned so far about bringing AI to schools ethically and effectively, and what they’d recommend to educators who aren’t sure where to start. Christopher Hoang, LACOE assistant director of technology, innovation and outreach, said the AI landscape changes weekly or even daily, so LACOE opted for a flexible-governance approach. “Working with our team, I intentionally told them, ‘I don’t want policy,’ because the moment you put policy in place is the moment it becomes rigid,” he said. Mike Lawrence, IT director at ABC Unified School District, said his district focused less on specific tools and more on general behavior goals. He made an to the district’s existing technology policies to address issues like privacy, attribution and critical thinking. For attribution, the policy includes a “badge” system, which uses physical stickers and posters to show the role AI played in producing work: produced by AI alone, produced by AI and modified by a human, or produced by a human and modified by AI. “We’re encouraging our staff and students to attach those badges to the work that they submit so that it opens up a conversation and takes away some of the taboo around those tools,” Lawrence said. LACOE’s guidelines are also adaptable but focus less specifically on instruction, including vetting tips for the procurement process and advice on collecting ongoing feedback. LACOE director of technology learning and support services Johan Madrigal said that as AI transforms education, it will be important to create guidance like this quickly to ensure the technology furthers organizational goals rather than disrupting them. He said including leadership in early conversations helped LACOE establish guidance relatively quickly. “Getting in front of everybody was critical for us,” Madrigal said. “We got in front of our executive cabinet, we had the training with them, and they were all very positive on what it can mean for their own group. That kind of led the way for us to have outreach with all of the groups.” One thing presenters said they learned from talking to other ed-tech leaders across the U.S. is the need for ongoing, hands-on experiences, not one-time overviews. “Professional development for us has to be hands-on,” Hoang said. “Anyone who says an hour of AI training is enough is lying to you.” Lawrence suggested that the training start with introductory activities that assume everyone has used AI before, allowing them to learn by exploring rather than telling. For example, instead of explaining the importance of specific prompts, a professional development session might display an image and ask attendees to use an AI image generator to recreate it as closely as they can. After introducing AI, LACOE's recommendation is to break training down into targeted sessions for different groups — teachers, administrators, classified staff, et cetera. Panelists also stressed the need for investment and setting aside funding for ongoing AI initiatives and training. Another unanimous tip from LACOE officials was that effective guidance and professional development will include everyone — not just teachers and administrators but also support staff, families and students. AI has the potential to perpetuate digital divides if not addressed holistically, Hoang said. Panelists highlighted the need to include the community in addition to employees. LACOE held focus groups with students to understand their views of AI and hear their input on guidance principles. In those discussions, Hoang asked students if their parents knew about AI, and all said “yes” even though they had never discussed it explicitly, he said. However, when he told students to ask their parents about AI and circle back with him, he found many parents did not actually know the basics of the technology. “We assume everyone knows about it, just because everyone in here is very tech-y,” he said. “But the fact is, most people still don’t know about it. They might see it in the news, but they don’t know about it.” ABC Unified hosted community roundtables to raise awareness about AI. In one event centered on students’ opinions of AI, facilitators gave students a potential use case for AI in academics, then asked them to raise a red or green paddle to indicate whether they thought the situation was ethical or not. “I think the kids were harder on it than we would have been,” Lawrence said. Another event focused on families’ knowledge and concerns about AI in education. At this session, Lawrence heard one parent say AI just seems like cheating to them. “You may have an open AI policy in your district with guidelines, but if the parents at home are like, ‘No, absolutely not, that's cheating,’ then the students will be limited in their ability to learn AI and be able to apply it ethically and appropriately,” he said.

WEST PALM BEACH, Fla. (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump on Saturday threatened 100% tariffs against a bloc of nine nations if they act to undermine the U.S. dollar. His threat was directed at countries in the so-called BRIC alliance, which consists of Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates. Turkey, Azerbaijan and Malaysia have applied to become members and several other countries have expressed interest in joining. While the U.S. dollar is by far the most-used currency in global business and has survived past challenges to its preeminence, members of the alliance and other developing nations say they are fed up with America’s dominance of the global financial system . The dollar represents roughly 58% of the world’s foreign exchange reserves, according to the IMF and major commodities like oil are still primarily bought and sold using dollars. The dollar's dominance is threatened, however, with BRICS' growing share of GDP and the alliance's intent to trade in non-dollar currencies — a process known as de-dollarization. Trump, in a Truth Social post, said: “We require a commitment from these Countries that they will neither create a new BRICS Currency, nor back any other Currency to replace the mighty U.S. Dollar or, they will face 100% Tariffs, and should expect to say goodbye to selling into the wonderful U.S. Economy." At a summit of BRIC nations in October, Russian President Vladimir Putin accused the U.S. of “weaponizing” the dollar and described it as a “big mistake.” “It’s not us who refuse to use the dollar,” Putin said at the time. “But if they don’t let us work, what can we do? We are forced to search for alternatives.” Russia has specifically pushed for the creation of a new payment system that would offer an alternative to the global bank messaging network, SWIFT, and allow Moscow to dodge Western sanctions and trade with partners. Trump said there is "no chance" BRIC will replace the U.S. dollar in global trade and any country that tries to make that happen "should wave goodbye to America.” Research shows that the U.S. dollar's role as the primary global reserve currency is not threatened in the near future. An Atlantic Council model that assesses the dollar’s place as the primary global reserve currency states the dollar is “secure in the near and medium term” and continues to dominate other currencies. Trump's latest tariff threat comes after he threatened to slap 25% tariffs on everything imported from Mexico and Canada, and an additional 10% tax on goods from China, as a way to force the countries to do more to halt the flow of illegal immigration and drugs into the U.S. He has since held a call with Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum, who said Thursday she is confident that a tariff war with the United States can be averted. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau returned home Saturday after meeting Trump, without assurances the president-elect will back away from threatened tariffs on Canada.

TikTok files legal challenge of federal government’s shutdown order

ORLANDO, Fla., Nov. 25, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Abacus Life, Inc. (“Abacus” or the “Company”) (NASDAQ: ABL), a pioneering alternative asset manager specializing in longevity and actuarial technology, today announced the closing of its oversubscribed underwritten public offering of 12,500,000 shares of its common stock, consisting of 10,000,000 shares of its common stock sold by the Company and 2,500,000 shares of common stock sold by certain stockholders of the Company (the “Selling Stockholders”) at the public offering price of $8.00 per share. The gross proceeds raised in the offering, before underwriting discounts and commissions and estimated expenses of the offering, were approximately $100 million, of which approximately $80 million was raised in the primary offering by the Company and approximately $20 million was paid in connection with the sale of shares by the Selling Stockholders. Abacus intends to use net proceeds that it receives for its operations, including the purchase of life settlement policies, to support its overall business strategy, for working capital purposes, and for general corporate purposes, which may include funding previously announced and future acquisitions and repayment and refinancing of its indebtedness. Abacus did not receive any proceeds from the sale of shares of common stock by the Selling Stockholders. Piper Sandler & Co., TD Securities (USA) LLC, KKR Capital Markets LLC, B. Riley Securities, Inc. and SG Americas Securities, LLC acted as joint book-running managers and representatives of the underwriters for the offering. The registration statements on Form S-3 relating to this offering were declared effective by the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”) on November 14, 2024. Final prospectus supplements and accompanying prospectuses relating to and describing the terms of the offering were filed with the SEC on November 25, 2024 and may be obtained from: Piper Sandler & Co. by mail at 1251 Avenue of the Americas, 6th Floor, New York, NY 10020 or by email at prospectus@psc.com; TD Securities (USA) LLC by mail at 1 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017, by telephone at (855) 495-9846 or by email at TD.ECM_Prospectus@tdsecurities.com; KKR Capital Markets LLC by mail at 30 Hudson Yards, 75th Floor, New York, NY 10001, Attention: Prospectus Delivery; B. Riley Securities, Inc. by mail at 1300 17th Street North, Suite 1300, Arlington, VA 22209, by telephone at (703) 312-9580 or by email at prospectuses@brileyfin.com; SG Americas Securities, LLC by mail at 245 Park Avenue, New York, NY 10167 or by email at us-ny-prospectus@sgcib.com; or by accessing the SEC’s website at www.sec.gov. This press release shall not constitute an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to buy the shares of the Company’s common stock or any other securities, nor shall there be any sale of such shares of common stock or any other securities in any state or other jurisdiction in which such offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful prior to registration or qualification under the securities laws of any such state or other jurisdiction. About Abacus Abacus is a pioneering global alternative asset manager and market maker specializing in uncorrelated financial products. The Company leverages its longevity data and actuarial technology to purchase life insurance policies from consumers seeking liquidity. This creates a high-return asset class uncorrelated to market fluctuations for institutional investors. With nearly $3 billion in assets under management, including pending acquisitions, Abacus is the only publicly traded global alternative asset manager focused on lifespan-based financial products. Forward-Looking Statements All statements in this press release (and oral statements made regarding the subjects of this press release) other than historical facts are forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. These forward-looking statements rely on a number of assumptions concerning future events and are subject to a number of uncertainties and factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from such statements, many of which are outside the control of Abacus. Forward-looking information includes but is not limited to statements regarding the proposed offering, including the expected closing of the proposed offering; Abacus’s financial and operational outlook; Abacus’s operational and financial strategies, including planned growth initiatives and the benefits thereof, Abacus’s ability to successfully effect those strategies, and the expected results therefrom. These forward-looking statements generally are identified by the words “believe,” “project,” “estimate,” “expect,” ”intend,” “anticipate,” “goals,” “prospects,” “will,” “would,” “will continue,” “will likely result,” and similar expressions (including the negative versions of such words or expressions). While Abacus believes that the assumptions concerning future events are reasonable, it cautions that there are inherent difficulties in predicting certain important factors that could impact the future performance or results of its business. The factors that could cause results to differ materially from those indicated by such forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to: the fact that Abacus’s loss reserves are bases on estimates and may be inadequate to cover its actual losses; the failure to properly price Abacus’s insurance policies; the geographic concentration of Abacus’s business; the cyclical nature of Abacus’s industry; the impact of regulation on Abacus’s business; the effects of competition on Abacus’s business; the failure of Abacus’s relationships with independent agencies; the failure to meet Abacus’s investment objectives; the inability to raise capital on favorable terms or at all; the effects of acts of terrorism; and the effectiveness of Abacus’s control environment, including the identification of control deficiencies. These forward-looking statements are also affected by the risk factors, forward-looking statements and challenges and uncertainties set forth in documents filed by Abacus with the SEC from time to time, including the Annual Report on Form 10-K, as amended, and Quarterly Reports on Form 10-Q and subsequent periodic reports. These filings identify and address other important risks and uncertainties that could cause actual events and results to differ materially from those contained in the forward-looking statements. Abacus cautions you not to place undue reliance on the forward-looking statements contained in this press release. Forward-looking statements speak only as of the date they are made. Readers are cautioned not to put undue reliance on forward-looking statements, and Abacus assumes no obligation and, except as required by law, does not intend to update or revise these forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events, or otherwise. Abacus does not give any assurance that it will achieve its expectations. Contacts: Robert Phillips – SVP Investor Relations rob@abacuslife.com (321) 290-1198 David Jackson – IR/Capital Markets Associate djackson@abacuslife.com (321) 299-0716 Abacus Life Public Relations press@abacuslife.comNot even the great Don Bradman drew such a crowd. At the MCG on Monday, more than 50,000 fans had walked through the turnstiles by lunchtime, making the total attendance of the Boxing Day Test between Australia and India more than 351,000. The five-day attendance tally, which was still growing during Monday afternoon’s play, is now the largest attendance for any Test in Australia. It eclipsed the 350,534 who watched the six-day Test between Australia and England at the MCG in 1937, where Bradman scored 270 in . Joel Morrison, Cricket Australia’s general manager for events and operations, said officials had been “blown away” by support of fans during the match. “The Border-Gavaskar Trophy is a blockbuster event, and it has been fantastic to see such strong attendances right across the summer,” he said. The record was set despite a lower-than-expected turnout on Boxing Day of 87,242. Every ticket had been sold, but temperatures close to 40 degrees celsius kept thousands of purchasers away. It left the crowd well short of the Boxing Day record of 91,112 set against England in 2013. Yet subsequent turnouts have exceeded expectations, with 85,147 coming on day two, 83,073 on day three and 43,867 on day four, Aniother surge on Monday pushed the crowd past the record. The match will not come near the record for the largest Test cricket attendance – over 465,000 watched the 1999 match between India and Pakistan at Eden Gardens in Kolkata. But the colourful stands and carnival atmosphere throughout the Boxing Day Test are proof of the status of the rivalry between Australia and India. Cricket Australia chief executive Nick Hockley described the clash before the series as . A large proportion of the attendance in Melbourne this year has been Indian supporters. Morrison praised the turnout, saying it “demonstrates the power of cricket to bring communities together”. At the start of Monday, both teams still had a chance to win, and fans took advantage of cheaper tickets. Adults were charged $10, and those aged 15 and under were allowed in free. “A big thank you to Australian cricket fans for your ongoing support of our great game,” Morrison said. The interest in this Test series has helped quieten critics of the five-day format, which now competes with one-dayers and T20 matches in the international calendar. Ashes clashes between Australia and England have retained their status as cricket’s most prestigious arena, and the growing rivalry in the Border-Gavaskar trophy – aided by India’s economic might – means Test cricket, at least among these three nations, appears in good health. The MCG will host another Test this summer. The multi-format women’s Ashes will conclude with a pink ball clash starting on 30 January.